• Poll may be re-run
• Zimbabwe police seal office ahead of protest
• Government close to breaching RBZ borrowing ceiling
• Abubakar convicted of rights abuses
• ESC warns monitors not to talk
• Zanu PF intensifies onslaught on MDC
• Reinvent journalism says Ethics Committee
• Triple election process set to discourage urban voters
• Haphazard land reform bad for economy
• Zanu PF not ordained to rule Zim forever
• Lodge your protest now
• Tsvangirai - the plot thickens
• Menashe a master of 'dirty tricks'
• Soldiers seconded to ESC
• SA/Sadc lobby govt to accredit Schori
• Little time left to break Zanu's chain of violence
• After Argentina: cry for me Zimbabwe
• Jonathan Moyo insists he is no sellout, just 'honest'
• Emergence of MDC proves a boon for Mugabe's forces of repression
• Mugabe assassination plot another dirty trick
• LONDON DEMO

In the end,
we will remember not the words of our enemies,
but the silence of our friends.
Martin Luther King Jr.

---

Portal of truth 10

Robert Mugabe defied the European Union two days ago, announcing that
its observers would not be allowed to monitor Zimbabwe's presidential
election.
The Harare government said Pierre Schori, the former Swedish Cabinet
minister chosen to lead the group, had arrived as a "tourist" and would not
be granted accreditation as an observer.

Comment:  Pierre Schori led the EU delegation during the June 2000
Parliamentary Elections.  Most agreed that the EU report was the most
credible of all the observer reports because of the relatively long time
spent in-country by the observation team and because of the relative
size of the team -- the largest of all observer missions.

Are there still any doubters out there on how free and fair our elections
will be?

After Argentina: cry for me Zimbabwe

ANDREW Lloyd Webber, in his wonderful musical, Evita, penned the following words for
his principal character, Evita Peron, the wife of the Argentinean president: "Don't cry for me, Argentina, The truth is I never left you. All through my wild days, My mad existence, I kept my promise - Don't keep your distance. And as for fortune, and as for fame, I never invited them in, Though it seems to the world they were all I desired: They are illusions. They're not the solutions they promised to be, The answer was here all the time ... Don't cry for me, Argentina."

Although a very different interpretation to that intended by the lyricist would need to be applied to those words, nevertheless today's circumstances are such that Zimbabwe could well be the songstress, with the words only minimally changed to a distraught appeal of "Cry for me, Argentina". Certainly, any who presently perceive the Zimbabwean environment favourably, are misguided by illusions, and government's solutions to the country's problems are not what they are promised to be. The answers to the economic ills are there, but constantly ignored.

For very long, Argentina's predominant claims to fame have been the revolutionary impact of its Peronist era, its vigorous endeavours to wrest the Falkland Islands from British control, the quality of its beef, and that its history (or rather, an era in that history) provided the setting for a spectacular stage musical, Evita, later made into an equally spectacular movie, starring Madonna.

But recently it has been the Argentinean economy which has been the primary focus of attention of the international community, and to such an extent that to a significant degree it diverted the attention of financiers, economists, invest- ors and governments from the circumstances of other economies.

Over recent years, the economy of Argentina, very heavily centred upon primary product exports to the world in general, and upon trade with neighbouring Brazil in particular, under- went continuing and very rapidly progressing decline. The collapse was of such a magnitude that over the last six months of 2001, the estimated decrease in gross domestic product (GDP) was over 11%. In that same period, unemployment doubled, and inflation soared.

By the end of 2001, key characteristics of the Argentine economy included a massive foreign debt of approximately US$150 billion, representing more than 50% of GDP, whilst government's domestic debt was of even greater magnitude. So great was the state's debt burden (equating to nearly 90% of GDP), and so inadequate its cash inflows, that it defaulted repeatedly on servicing its debts, and even delayed payment of state pensions. An inevitable consequence was the suspension of lines of credit and funding support from the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and most of the financial entities of the world. The intensification of the economic deterioration set in virtual perpetual motion a continuing, almost un-stoppable, worsening of every sector of the economy, until the economy was effectively in a mode of self-destruction. Inflation rose constantly, and the shrinking purchasing power of money resulted in progressively greater hardships for the majority of the populace.

As the meagre savings of the masses became worth less, and less, and less, in terms of that which they could buy, the people became increasingly distressed, despondent and agitated, confidence plum- meted until it became non-existent, all determined to withdraw their savings from the banks and spend them before they became even more worthless, and that caused a run on the banks placing their survival in great jeopardy and the entire monetary system parlously poised on the precipice of total collapse.

The government strove assiduously to halt the regression of the economy, but in doing so it stubbornly rejected all advice of the economic experts of the international community, and of any and all of the economists of the country other than those in the employ of the state or as were active members and supporters of the ruling regime. It flouted and rejected all the fundamental principles of economics and, in so doing, it accelerated the economic downfall.

The first of its grave errors was its failure to address the underlying causes of inflation, of which the most pronounced was the profligate spending of the state, and the consequential continuous recourse to borrowings. Government was recurrently urged to reduce the bloated public service, but did nothing to do so. The authorities were repeatedly encouraged to contain expenditure, but their intemperate squandering of funds continued unabated.

As inflation continued ever upwards, costs of production rose concomitantly, impacting not only upon prices of goods for domestic consumption, but also upon those of goods intended for export.

As a result, those goods became less and less price competitive in Argentina's traditional export markets, and could not compete in possible alternative markets. Only one thing could restore the ability of exporters to market their production, and that was a devaluation of Argentine currency, the Peso. But government refused to do so. It allowed political perceptions, patriotic arrogance, and self-centred conviction of invincibility to override economic dictates, and therefore rigidly adhered to a Peso/United States dollar linkage which bore no relationship to economic needs.

In consequence, exports fell more and more, and concurrently Argentina attracted ever less foreign investment. The loss of export earnings, investment inflows and ultimately of IMF support, caused a massive balance-of-payments deficit, and the availability of foreign ex- change diminished continuously. Soon the only manner whereby exporters could survive, even if only inadequately, and the only manner whereby those needing foreign exchange had a chance of obtaining some, was by trading currencies in what became known as "in the streets". (In Zimbabwe, that is known as parallel market or black market.)

As the deterioration became greater and greater, the only thriving and growing economic sector was that engaged in the closure and liquidation of businesses. Liquidators, auctioneers and the like experienced an increasing demand for their services, but they were the exceptions, not the rule. As enterprises fell like skittles, so more and more of the nation's employees (other than those in the public service) were retrenched, and few were fortunate enough to obtain alternative employment. Hardships and poverty increased, the health delivery system, the provision of utilities and the supply of other essential services became more and more inadequate and erratic.

In 1989, when Argentina had previously undergone a period of severe economic recession and hyperinflation, the dissatisfaction of the Argentinean people effectively forced the resignation of the then president, Alfonsin, whereafter the country experienced a marked change in economic policies and a significant upturn in the economy. But when the mistakes were repeated years later, bringing about, yet again, an economic decline, those responsible for that decline survived in office surprisingly long. However, eventually patience wore thin.

The populace was not prepared to continue suffering, and feared an intensification of that suffering. It also increasingly resented the proliferation of corrupt practices which enabled many in authority, and many bureaucrats, to live lives of extreme luxury and comfort despite the economic morass they had created for others. The people became ever more vociferous in voicing their displeasure and dissatisfaction and turned out in their tens of thousands in the streets.

Initially the protests were peaceful, but soon emotions subjugated reason and natural tendencies of compliance with law, and growing anger gave rise to riots, civil commotion and violence. The culmination was the resignation of President De La Rua to pre-empt being overthrown, and within days that of his successor and, soon thereafter, of his successor too.

The similarities between the Argentinean experiences and those of Zimbabwe are frighteningly great. Zimbabwe has emulated most of the economic mistakes of Argentina, including the spendthrift abuse of the exchequer, alienation of international sources of funding, fuelling of inflation, disregard of well-intended and the economic advice of international experts and the hard-press-ed captains of commerce, industry and other economic sectors, destruction of export markets, disdainful disregard for the economic well-being of the population, and vast accumulation of debt.

Will the similarities end there, or will the consequences and developments in Zimbabwe mirror those of Argentina? That country having suffered grievously, its witnessing of Zimbabwe's failure to learn from the mistakes of others must make it wish to cry for Zimbabwe!

Jonathan Moyo insists he is no sellout, just 'honest'

WHY is Jonathan Moyo suddenly on the defensive? Having spent much of the last two years attacking everybody and anybody who gets in his way, he is now reduced to insisting that he is not a sellout.

In two exclusive interviews with the Herald, "Prof Moyo said he had never sold out to anyone because he was never part of any lobby group or political party and was simply playing his role as an academic".

So what prompted this anguished self-pitying insight at this point in time? Could it have something to do with growing opposition within his own party to his vaulting ambitions - or fresh accusations of fraud from South Africa? Then there was the 1993 article the Zimbabwe Independent published recently which evidently embarrassed him by recalling his attacks on the cult of the "Dear Leader", a cult which he now heads.

The Herald's explanation for the acres of space accorded to him last week was that Moyo was a victim of "a sustained campaign" by the British, South African and "local opposition" media to vilify him. This had culminated in "threats against his life", we were improbably informed - possibly a reference to the non-existent anthrax letter.

Moyo is clearly anxious to iron out all those mountainous inconsistencies that have erupted in his defence of the indefensible over the past two years. But his interviews with the Herald only exposed his intellectual dishonesty.

"There is nothing I said in the past that I regret," he told the paper. "When you are an academic you must be an honest academic, that is why I criticised the government, the churches, the NGOs, the British government, the Supreme Court and former Chief Justice Anthony Gubbay...."

Really? We thought the dispute with Gubbay started when the then high court judge made a ruling in regard to the custody of Moyo's children? Wasn't that when the vendetta against Gubbay started? And we don't recall him attacking quite such a wide range of targets at the time, unless of course it was for supporting the Mugabe regime.

The Herald describes Moyo as a "renowned critic, researcher and lecturer". Surely, that is for his peers to decide? Or was the Herald told to print that description - just as it was told to carry the "interviews"?

Moyo says he took a cut in salary to join the constitutional commission although reports at the time suggested he negotiated a package equal to his income in South Africa.

We are prepared to give him the benefit of the doubt on that one although we would still like to know who picked up the tab at the Sheraton. The biggest problem arises over his claim that "it is only fools and ignoramuses who think I have changed".

"The same fools who formed Zum moved on to Forum. They are sellouts," he claimed.
But wasn't his book, Voting for Democracy, all about the triumph of Zum in rolling back the frontiers of the one-party state in the 1990 election? And when he last had something to say about Edgar Tekere we recall him retreating in disarray at the first whiff of gunshot from the direction of Mutare. Perhaps as an academic he had to be "honest". Not so as a politician.

It is a pity that the Herald allowed itself to be used as a vehicle for some rather unpleasant and certainly unprofessional attacks on Moeletsi Mbeki. How relevant is Mbeki's relationship with a Dutch woman? Can't Moyo get by without this sort of thing?

And nowhere does Moyo mention that all the projects he was associated with in South Africa were the result of introductions made by Mbeki to donors. Once again Moyo is biting the hand that fed him!

Moyo reveals that he still has a sense of humour when he tells readers that "I don't subscribe to conspiracy theories easily". He then proceeds to suggest that because Mbeki is a consultant to a number of multi-national corporations and, as chair of the South African Institute of International Affairs, had hosted seminars which "attack(ed) Zimbabwe" it therefore follows that he would see somebody like Moyo as a stumbling block.

This self-characterisation of Moyo as the authentic voice of African nationalism standing in the way of wicked South African, British and Dutch corporate interests is of course entirely delusional. Nobody, except perhaps in the depths of Harlem, regards Moyo or his sponsor as anything more than the spokesmen for a corrupt and violent regime intent upon suppressing democracy. The seminars referred to as "attacking Zimbabwe" included contributions from Simba Makoni, Aziz Pahad, Essop Pahad and Nigerian High Commissioner Tunji Olangunju as well as Morgan Tsvangirai.

Moyo calls Mbeki a "sellout or a prostitute" attempting to benefit from his family name. When he later complains about "unacceptable defamation" he should consider the impression on a court of his own intemperate and defamatory language.

The interview eventually descended into bathos. Moyo was asked about the support of his family as his enemies closed in.

"I am grateful for their support," he said, "and looking forward to a time when God gives me an opportunity to return the favour to my wife and kids, if not in this life, then certainly in another life."

Does he know something we don't? Or is this the phoney anthrax attack making a comeback?

We have always said that the best way to gauge which way the political wind is blowing is to watch the signs of desperation coming from Zanu PF and its media.

The Sunday Mail's political editor Munyaradzi Huni showed us just how bad things are for President Mugabe's campaign by inventing a story about David Coltart becoming vice-president and then another one about the MDC planning to cause terror.

Zanu PF, clearly oblivious to Coltart's majority, believes that it can stampede voters into the ruling party's camp by telling them Coltart will be vice-president. Let's see if it works.

But more revealing still was Huni's story about the MDC's alleged terror campaign based on an "interview" with an "MDC legislator".

"We definitely have a problem in the party," the mysterious "legislator" was quoted as saying. "You see our chances of winning in the presidential elections are fading with every passing day and the leadership thinks we have to find a way of making sure that the results are nullified. It's a big gamble to think that the observers will fall into our trap but we have very limited options."

Now who do you think said that? Does it sound anything like what an MDC MP would say? Or does it sound more like what Munyaradzi Huni would say?

The MDC currently has its tail up. All the surveys - including Zanu PF's own - are telling them that Mugabe is heading for defeat. Just ask anybody you meet and you will get the same answer. Even the army is convinced their C-in-C is on his way out.

Mugabe's rallies are dull and lifeless. All he can do is threaten voters with goblins while Grace hands out the sewing machines. Tsvangirai's meetings are full of enthusiasm. It is palpable.

So when Huni fabricates stories about MDC followers on farms being made to wear Zanu PF T-shirts and carry out violence nobody is likely to believe him. Everybody knows in their daily lives where the violence comes from. The people wearing the Zanu PF T-shirts are authentic thugs!

Huni's fiction had a purpose. It was timed to coincide with the arrival of election observers and mislead them about who is behind the terror campaign around the country.

They are unlikely to fall for it. But observers could earn immediate credibility if they moved around the country now and saw for themselves the mayhem taking place. A good starting point would be Matabeleland South where youth militias, supported by the police and army, are abducting and assaulting opposition supporters including MPs.

What sort of party is it that is reduced to placing adverts calling for British prime minister Tony Blair to be flushed down the toilet? We appreciate it must have been galling to see Blair received with such enthusiasm in Nigeria, Ghana and Sierra Leone but can't the ruling party think of something better? Perhaps it is proving difficult for them to itemise what they have actually achieved over the past 21 years?

Apart from threatening voters with goblins if they don't support him Mugabe has also been threatening farmers and church leaders. He said in Chivi there were some churches that wanted the Zanu PF government removed from power. The government was going to investigate and if the reports were found to be true, "action would be taken against them", he warned.

What action? Why was it okay for delinquent church leaders to take part in the Sheraton shindig in support of Mugabe but not okay for others to endorse different leaders? What sort of freedom of conscience or choice is that?

White farmers were warned that they would lose their land if they "connived with" the MDC. Are there any white farms left to take? Whatever the case, it is useful to have the president's confiscatory approach to land reform on the record. There are some Zanu PF spokesmen like George Shire pretending that this is all about addressing historical anomalies - that whites still own 70% of the land. The Sunday Mail was still claiming last weekend that land was being taken from commercial farmers with more than one farm. And these guys are in the business of news. Mugabe has said he will take ALL white-owned farms. It's now a matter of record.

Perhaps we should not expect too much from government sources. Phillip Magwaza was telling Herald readers on Tuesday that Blair had yet to visit Sierra Leone and Senegal, "both members of the Commonwealth". In fact the British PM visited those two states last weekend and had been back in London two days when Magwaza's report appeared.

And Senegal will be interested to learn that it has joined the Commonwealth!

We are still waiting to hear from Paul Siwela which newspaper told him they would give him coverage if he dropped out of the race and supported the MDC. This is one of several lies he is telling on behalf of his paymasters. Siwela is a stooge. But does he have to be such an obvious one?

Deputy police commissioner Godwin Matanga is a soft touch for a weapons licence, according to evidence supplied in the Joseph Chinotimba case. He admitted to supplying the licence after Zanu PF had requested weapons for the defence of the Zanu PF headquarters.

"We issued the firearm and signed the voucher after Zanu PF had requested weapons to protect the Head of State and his Cabinet ministers," Matanga said.

But isn't it the duty of the police to protect President Mugabe, his ministers and Zanu PF HQ? Why are the police licensing people to take over their role?

Matanga told the court that the issuing of the firearm itself served as an issue voucher. There was no need for a certificate once the police had established "the calibre of the recipient".

Challenged by Brian Vito of the AG's office to show the section of the Firearms Act which said an issue voucher was equivalent to a certificate, Matanga admitted there had been "an administrative oversight".

"What I am telling you is what has been going on before I became the deputy commissioner," he blustered.

And after, by the look of it!

Emergence of MDC proves a boon for Mugabe's forces of repression
By Forward Maisokwadzo

THE emergence of the opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) on the Zimbabwean political scene has proved a boon for the defence forces and the police. They have received large pay hikes and other benefits to keep them sweet ahead of next month's election.

Zanu PF is fighting to have President Robert Mugabe re-elected in the watershed March 9/10 poll but its candidate is proving a tough product to sell to a restive electorate yearning for change after years of abuse, endemic corruption and economic mismanagement.

Joining the civil service payroll are chiefs, headmen, and war veterans - all seen as crucial to the ruling party's election campaign.

Critics say Mugabe has no chance of turning the economy around by March and as a result has to rely on three factors: land resettlement, which he hopes will swing the rural vote in his favour, intimidation which is now widespread, and bribery.

This includes buying the loyalty of the defence forces and security services through salary hikes unmatched elsewhere in the public sector.

Analysts say in such a volatile situation, the economy will take second place to politics - a reality reflected in the discrepancy in growth and inflation forecasts.

The root cause of Zimbabwe's current economic crisis lies in the president's unwillingness to bring the fiscal deficit under control, analysts say. The steep decline in the economy - combined with large salary increases prior to the general election in June 2000, rapidly mounting domestic debt and the country's involvement in the conflict in the Democratic Republic of Congo conflict - caused the budget deficit to balloon to 22,3% of GDP in 2000.

However, even if the government managed to manipulate interest rates and kept wages under control, military expenditure is continuing to drain the country's fiscus, critics say. Coupled with the cost of food imports, this resulted in a budget deficit of 15,8% of GDP in 2001.

Having held public wages at well under the rate of inflation in 2001, government recently sanctioned a 100% salary increment for uniformed forces and up to 55% for other civil servants. Analysts say the increase will be accompanied by a gradual rise in interest rates in the second half of the year.

Therefore, even if a comprehensive economic reform programme is introduced after the election, economists forecast a budget deficit of 18,2% of GDP in 2002.

Although economists welcomed the wage increases for all civil servants, they were wary of the timing and the inflationary impact of 100% rises across the board.

"It's very strange to have only the uniformed forces have salary increments in tandem with inflation while the rest of the civil servants have theirs far below," said Professor Tony Hawkins of the University of Zimbabwe.

He said the selective awarding of high cost-of-living adjustments to a certain section of the civil service indicated that government had "no policy to address the current problems".

Hawkins said government, by offering unrealistic policies like free health, free education, price controls, and free land among other things, was charting a disastrous path for the economy.

"The current situation shows that our economy is heading for a hard landing," he said.

The opposition MDC said although they welcomed the award of 100% salary adjustments for civil servants as proposed by Finance minister Simba Makoni in his 2002 budget, the latest increases to a selected group was viewed as part of a widening campaign by Zanu PF to blindfold the civil service into "trading its professionalism for commissariat posts in Zanu PF".

The army was instrumental in Mugabe's land grab exercise and are believed to be playing another key role by assisting in his campaign of violent suppression of civil liberties.

Harare-based economist Witness Chinyama said it was clear that political considerations were over-riding economic considerations as the nation faces the election.

"The awarding of uniformed forces hefty salary increases is a just another populist policy by the authorities to try and keep them calm ahead of a critical election," said Chinyama.

"It's a matter of security," he said.

The police, who fall under the Home Affairs ministry received $17 billion in the 2002 budget. The police have also seen their powers beefed up by the recent enactment of the draconian Public Order and Security Act.

Bulawayo-based economist Erich Bloch said although the timing was regrettable, the salary increases for the unformed forces were justified considering that their salaries were low in the light of galloping inflation.

He said since the money was budgeted for, he doubted whether they were going to have an impact on the budget deficit.

However, Bloch castigated government's lavish spending which he said was inflationary and crowded out the private sector.

"All civil servants need to be remunerated on a legitimate rate," said Bloch, adding that government should try to stabilise the economy by reducing inflation which continues to squeeze consumer spending power.

The government spent $16 billion on salaries and bonuses to the civil service last year and it has been projected that by end of this year, the salary bill for the service, which takes 13,1% of the total national budget, would have surged by more than 60% if expenditure pressures were not addressed.

Independent economist John Robertson said Mugabe's govern ment should try to stabilise the economy by reducing inflation which continues to squeeze consumer spending power.

The government spent $16 billion on salaries and bonuses to the civil service last year and it has been projected that by end of this year, the salary bill for the public service, which takes 13,1% of the total national budget, would have surged by more than 60% if expenditure pressures were not addressed.

Independent economist John Robertson said Mugabe's government will not control expenditure in view of the election in March despite the issue being unsustainable.

Robertson said borrowing money to pay for salaries was a recipe for disaster considering that government was failing to service both its mounting domestic and foreign debt.

Asked what will happen, Robertson said: "It will come to an end some time but with a lot of disillusionment."

Analysts said it was also interesting to note that one of the major hindrances in reducing the country's budget deficit has been the escalating civil service salary bill.

They said it was critical to examine mechanisms to cut the escalating deficit.

Monetary and fiscal policy measures to be implemented should be revised in a way which tries to address the differentials between revenue and spending patterns of the government, they said.

Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions (ZCTU) chief economist, Godfrey Kanyenze, said the bottom line is not only about numbers but the need to strategically restructure government departments and ministries.

"Salary adjustments alone are ad hoc but the problem requires a holistic approach so that we have a properly planned civil service," said Kanyenze.

He said the situation was worsened by the fact that government had politicised the whole exercise to such an extent that it had taken a wage-restrained policy. He said lack of institutional capacity, and absence of strategic planning, with so much emphasis on meeting numerical targets, meant that the goal of achieving development is lost.

The wage increments have also distorted salary trends. A police constable or an army private, the lowest ranks, now earn about $39 000 a month which is more than a high school teacher who gets about $30 000.

Mugabe assassination plot another dirty trick

FACT or fiction? With just over three weeks to go to the potentially mould-breaking presidential poll and with international observers pouring into the country, the government is given a gift of a story about Morgan Tsvangirai plotting with ex-Rhodesians and others to assassinate President Mugabe.

The gift came in the form of a documentary broadcast by a small Australian television station, SBS, which is aimed at an ethnic minorities audience. It named a "political consultancy" firm in Canada, Dickens & Madson, as having been approached by Tsvangirai to arrange the assassination. The firm says when it realised the import of the request it was "horrified" and immediately approached the Zimbabwean authorities with the information.

There we have our first credibility problem. Dickens & Madson, it now transpires, are actually retained by the Zimbabwean government as consultants. Their chief executive, Ari Ben Menashe, a former Mossad agent, is reported to have said his contact in the Zimbabwe government is Security minister Nicholas Goche.

In its report yesterday the Herald omitted to mention this salient fact: that the firm claiming to be doing a public duty by revealing to the Zimbabwe government details of a plot by Tsvangirai was already retained by that government as its public relations agency. And their track record reveals a firm unlikely to be "horrified" about any such thing.

The question that now arises is: when did that contract commence? Did Dickens & Madson, as seems probable, already have a relationship with Mugabe's office when they first met Tsvangirai? Our information suggests they did. In fact the relationship stretches over several years. In other words Tsvangirai was set up.

The tape of the meetings was handed to the Zimbabwe government last month, we gather. The Australian film-maker who "uncovered" the evidence, Mark Davis, has been reluctant to say whether he was actually given the tape by Dickens & Madson. What we do know is that not long after arriving in Zimbabwe last month without accreditation as a journalist he saw officials of the President's Office and was quickly granted an interview with Mugabe.

As for the "evidence", nowhere is Tsvangirai shown plotting to assassinate Mugabe. Tsvangirai says he understood the meeting would focus on fundraising, but that the conversation also included political discussions and analysis of different scenarios in the coming months. That included the role of the military.

But anybody listening to the tape will quickly see that he was "led" in his remarks by Dickens & Madson executives and that the subsequent conversation was disjointed. Tsvangirai does appear to use the word "eliminate". But at no time does he speak of assassination or a coup. Those questions are put to him very obviously by Dickens & Madson executives. And it is evident the tape has been extensively edited. The questions about Mugabe's health, for instance, have been omitted.

What we do have is the word of three Dickens & Madson employees in the pay of the Zimbabwe government. Davis now reportedly admits Ben Menashe's word might not be credible in certain circles.

The MDC had been introduced to Dickens & Madson as a firm able to help them with their public relations thrust in North America. But by the time of the Montreal meeting Tsvangirai had woken up to the sting. He complained about items added to the agenda without his approval and the line of leading questions that ensued.

Dickens & Madson's statement carried in the Herald yesterday gives the game away. Here is a firm massaging the battered image of Mugabe's regime, portraying it as the victim of a plot by exiled Rhodesians. Its tone and content are borrowed wholesale from the Office of the President and are clearly aimed at an overseas audience.

The suggestion that Tsvangirai had no confidence in his ability to win the upcoming election is at variance with all the evidence on the ground that the MDC leader is heading for a landslide. That is the view not just of the MDC but of Zanu PF as well. The tapes do not reveal him saying he is likely to lose. And why should he want to share power with the army given the MDC's position on democratic governance and its expectation of a clear majority? On the other hand Ben Menashe made no secret of his contacts in the Zimbabwean military. It is he who introduced the subject.

That a political football was kicked around the room in Montreal we do not doubt. But the truth about the meeting is now emerging. It should be seen in the same context as the "discovery" of arms on Zapu farms in 1982 and the arrest of Ndabaningi Sithole for "plotting to assassinate" Mugabe in 1995.

These political stunts have one obvious source: The same people who colluded with a public relations firm to which they were already linked and a gullible Australian producer to deliver a story that shows President Mugabe's chief rival in a poor light. It is all too clumsily obvious.