Reuters
Wed Jun 11,
2008 6:58pm BST
By Cris Chinaka
HARARE (Reuters) - Zimbabwean
President Robert Mugabe's party said on
Wednesday it would deploy more war
veterans to campaign in some opposition
areas ahead of a presidential
election run-off marred by violence.
Opposition Movement for Democratic
Change leader (MDC) Morgan Tsvangirai
accuses ZANU-PF of widespread attacks
on his supporters ahead of the June 27
vote, but says he is still confident
of victory after beating Mugabe in the
first round.
ZANU-PF officials
in the southern Masvingo province, where the ruling party
lost several
parliamentary seats in rural districts traditionally considered
safe, told
Zimbabwe state television they had stepped up their campaign
against
"troublesome spots where MDC structures had taken root".
"We are setting
up units of war veterans to go to those areas to fan out the
MDC, to
campaign for President Mugabe, to confront and talk to some company
managers
who are openly supporting these MDC structures," said retired Major
Alex
Mudavanhu, ZANU-PF chairman for Masvingo.
"We are going to tell people
that ZANU-PF is not going to lose this
election," he said.
Mugabe's
guerrilla fighters from the 1970s independence war and ruling party
youth
brigades are regularly deployed as political shock troops against the
opposition and have recently been threatening another bush war if Mugabe
loses.
Mugabe's support has been eroded by the economic collapse of
the once
prosperous country, which he has ruled since independence from
Britain in
1980. On Wednesday, Mugabe's government announced tax cuts for
the low paid.
Tsvangirai says Zimbabweans cannot afford Mugabe's rule any
further. He
accused ZANU-PF activists on Tuesday of killing 66 opposition
supporters to
try to intimidate voters ahead of the run-off.
Mugabe's
party denies waging war on its foes and says "MDC thugs" have
killed a
number of ZANU-PF activists, including war veterans.
SATELLITE
DISHES
On Wednesday, the MDC said the government had launched a campaign
forcing
Zimbabweans to pull down home satellite dishes so they could not get
foreign
television stations and would have to rely on the state broadcaster.
The MDC
says that is biased.
Information Minister Sikhanyiso Ndlovu
rejected the charge.
"What I heard was that a lunatic war veteran was
going around telling people
to remove their satellite dishes and we stopped
him because the government
is committed to free flow of information," Ndlovu
told Reuters.
Tsvangirai, detained twice last week during campaigning,
unveiled a
75-seater bus he said would help to win votes.
"We are
going to be in every town, in every village to meet the people of
Zimbabwe,"
the MDC leader told supporters.
The bus bore the words "A new President
ready to deliver a new Zimbabwe.
Morgan is the one".
Zimbabweans hope
the election will start recovery from economic ruin that
has brought 165,000
percent inflation, 80 percent unemployment, chronic food
and fuel shortages
and has sent millions fleeing to neighbouring countries.
South African
President Thabo Mbeki, who has come under criticism for his
softly approach
in trying to mediate in Zimbabwe's crisis, said his team was
doing
everything it could to avoid "major problems" in the run-off.
"We are at
one with ... most of the international community that the
incidents of
violence and reported disruption of electoral activities of
some of the
parties are a cause for serious concern," Mbeki told parliament.
Mugabe,
84, says ZANU-PF cannot lose power to an opposition backed by "white
imperialists." He says Western countries want to oust him over his seizure
of white-owned farms to give to landless blacks.
(Editing by Matthew
Tostevin)
(Additional reporting by MacDonald Dzirutwe and Nelson Banya;
Wendell Roelf
in Cape Town)
Sokwanele
The Zimbabwean government has announced the beginning of
yet another
operation designed to oppress the people of
Zimbabwe.
Under Operation Dzikisai Madhishi (Operation pull down your
satellite dish)
the regime is forcing Zimbabweans to pull down their home
satellite dishes
through which the majority of Zimbabweans have been able to
access eTV,
SABC, Botswana Television as well some DSTV channels. The
coverage of the
Zimbabwe Broadcasting Corporation (ZBC) is generally poor
outside of the
main urban areas. The overwhelming propaganda content of this
state channel
has seen the proliferation of private satellite dishes in
recent years.
This operation is a concerted effort by the regime to close
all spaces
through which information can be disseminated, with the objective
of
stealing the election.
Zimbabwe has descended into unparalleled
levels of media censorship. The
regime is determined to cut off Zimbabweans
from the rest of the world by
ensuring that they are unable to receive news
from outside Zimbabwe about
what is happening in their own
country.
Operation Dzikisai Madhishi comes after the launch of Operation
Makavotera
Papi (how did you vote) which has seen the unleashing of
horrendous acts of
politically motivated violence against MDC supporters
since the March 29th
elections.
After the 2005 elections, the
Zimbabwean government launched Operation
Murambatsvina to punish urban
dwellers for their continued support for the
MDC and resulted in almost a
million citizens being forced from their homes.
Operation Dzikisai
Madhishi began in Matabeleland South last week and has
now spread throughout
the country. It is being undertaken by elements of the
Central Intelligence
Organisation, police, army and youth militia. (via an
MDC Press
Release)
This entry was written by Hope on Wednesday, June 11th,
2008 at 10:49 am.
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Comments
1.. Fish Eagle
June 11th, 2008 11:11
1
This is an obvious extension of the ZPF campaign. The next move will be on
phone and Internet links.
Those of you in the West should download
PSIPHON.
link http://psiphon.civisec.org/
send
your IP address plus password to trusted friends only.
2.. Faraway
June 11th, 2008 12:36
2
It's time to disable the propaganda machine.
Go for ZBC transmission and
relay stations. Then the State newspaper
presses. Be creative.
What is better; nobody knows what's going on or
everybody being falsely
informed?
3.. Get Busy
June 11th, 2008
13:23
3
This state has turned so rabbidly brutal against its own
people. By so
doing they are simply hardening the people, with dire
consequences. See what
has happened in Matabeleland, has Zanu ever won a
seat there? Once upon a
time the country was purged of political opposition
activists who came from
one region and that did not matter, now it is
wholesale and it will matter
indeed. They need to be reminded of the fate of
KABILA. THEY CAN NOT FOOL
THEMSELVES TO THINK THIS WILL LAST FOREVER. Its a
pity that these ZANU
people think they are invinceble. I can sense there
being an in house job.
By Tererai Karimakwenda
June 11,
2008
There is deep concern for the welfare of the 14 WOZA activists who
were
arrested 2 weeks ago and are being detained at Chikurubi and Harare
Remand
Prisons. Lawyer Gift Mpisi, who is representing the WOZA detainees
and
Shepherd Ndhlovu of the Men of Zimbabwe Arise (MOZA) were part of a
group of
6 WOZA activists who attempted to deliver food to those at
Chikurubi but
were blocked by ZANU-PF thugs in an official
vehicle.
Ndhlovu said the incident happened at the prison entrance, where
the thugs
approached in a twin cab with a ZANU-PF insignia and began
accusing the WOZA
members of being MDC supporters. According to Ndhlovu the
thugs said the
detained WOZA activists would be dead the next time they see
them.
Ndhlovu is concerned because 12 of the 14 in detention were granted
bail on
Wednesday but prison officials have not released them yet. Meanwhile
coordinators Jenni Williams and Magodonga Mahlangu were denied bail
Wednesday after the state claimed that they were likely to mobilise people
to demonstrate on the streets and cause violence ahead of the runoff
election.
The thugs ordered Ndhlovu and the others to follow them in
their own car, to
Mabvuku Police station. Then they said they were taking
them to the ZANU-PF
offices in Harare - a known torture centre where
opposition officials and
supporters have been severely
assaulted.
Lawyer Gift Mpisi said they had no intention of going to the
ZANU-PF
offices, but pretended to comply. The ZANU-PF vehicle ran red lights
at some
point and this caused a commotion with other drivers and members of
the
public, allowing the WOZA members to escape. They immediately went to
Harare
Central police station to report the incident.
There is
concern for the WOZA activists because the government this weekend
announced
new tougher measures meant to keep activists in detention for
longer
periods. Deputy Attorney General Johannes Tomana told the state-run
Herald
newspaper that bail would be denied to 'anyone suspected of
committing or
inciting unrest.'
The WOZA activists first appeared in court on May 30.
They were granted bail
but the state immediately appealed the decision and
they were remanded in
custody until June 20, when they will answer to the
charges. The bail appeal
hearing had already been postponed
twice.
The activists are being charged with conducting activities likely
to cause
public disorder. Williams is facing the extra charge of causing
disaffection
among the police and with distributing false
information.
SW Radio Africa Zimbabwe news
Overview on the situation in
Zimbabwe
On March 29,2008 Zimbabwe went to the polls to
elect its next government until 2013.Results for the Presidential elections were
announced a month later and people in Zimbabwe maintained peace .From 2 April
2008 the government organised a retribution campaign to target those who
allegedly voted for the opposition and since then there has been terror in
mostly rural Zimbabwe with youth militia under the command of the army and
police confirmed to have gone on to unleash terror in a campaign to teach the rural people how to correctly vote in the forthcoming
presidential run off supposed to take place on 23 May according to the law but
whose date remains unannounced
As a result of the terror campaign by the military and the
youth militia , the most affected are women and children as 80% of Zimbabwean
women live in the rural areas. So far, over 800 homes have been burnt down, over
10 000 people have fled their homes ,over 40 people have been shot dead in cold blood ,over 7000 teachers have fled
their schools as a number have been beaten in the eyes of parents and pupils,
Doctors for human Rights report that over 2000 serious cases of physical torture
and beatings have passed through their hands and a lot of those they treated
have suffered serious fractures to an extent that most are permanently
handicapped. The oldest victim of the post election violence is an old woman
with 12 grandchildren all of them orphaned and whose son is alleged to have
campaigned for the opposition. The youngest female victim is a 15 year old girl
who was stripped naked together with her pregnant mother forced to lie down and
beaten on the breasts and buttocks. Many women including the old have been
forced to strip naked and beaten on the breasts and buttocks. 7000 teachers, a
third of them women have fled their homes and several schools mostly in rural
areas are closed .Several girls and women are feared raped. The youngest child
seriously assaulted is only 3 years .Despite calls from all corners of the world
for the violence to stop ,it has become worse and we fear more and more people
are getting killed and buried
Our situation is such that an estimated 5
million Zimbabweans mostly professionals and the young have left the country .An
estimated 3 million are in South Africa with half being illegal immigrants
facing inhuman deportations daily. Women cross border traders cross over the
crocodile infested Limpopo River and
many have been allegedly raped .HIV and AIDS prevalence is 60% among women and
girls and their life expectancy is 34 years. Domestic violence is rife with a
woman killed or left for dead weekly.
Unemployment is 80% and inflation is 165 000 % and the highest in the world.95%
of women of the 200 000 women made homeless and jobless by the government 2005
Operation Restore Order which demolished their homes and markets that earned
them an income has left them in the open cold and in commercial sex work since
then and now the same women are alleged to have voted opposition and have gone
through torture. At least 6800 girls get raped annually and with the current
displacements the number is expected to treble .Most female teachers have been
displaced and many have fled the country and a lot more have sought refuge in
the cities. Access to the rural areas has always been a big challenge for
humanitarian organisations but now that women in rural areas are held hostage by
the militia and the army and the rural areas have been declared no go areas we
have seen it almost impossible to assist. Women Directors of NGOs are on
government hit list that seeks to arrest, detain and destroy the organisations
.Zimbabwean women in rural areas
constitute women abandoned by husbands and dumped in the rural areas because of
HIV status, they have gone through the war of liberation in the 1960s and 1970s
and war songs by the youth militias at their doorsteps have left them semi
slaved .The worst is that they have been beaten because their husbands, brothers
, uncles, boyfriends ,grandsons and other male relatives allegedly campaigned
for the opposition. Old grandmothers struggling to feed orphans and sickly,
women who are bed ridden, orphaned HIV positive children ,the poorest and
weakest have been tortured, terrified, displaced from homes and the
organisations that normally help them are denied access and with most of the
leaders on the government hit list .
OUR URGENT APPEAL FOR ACTION TO AFRICAN WOMEN
AND WOMEN ALL OVER THE WORLD
coalition@zol.co.zw or dakotareed07@gmail.com and we will refer you to all the women in
Zimbabwe working in various areas
FROM WOMEN IN ZIMBABWE
13 MAY 2009 , MIAMI ,NIGER
africasia
GENEVA, June 11 (AFP)
The International Labour Organisation on
Wednesday criticised the Zimbabwean
government's "flagrant disregard" for
the rights of unions and called it to
accept an investigation into the
issue.
In a report, an ILO commission slammed the "obstruction" by the
Zimbabwean
government which for two consecutive years has refused to appear
before the
ILO to be quizzed on whether it has applied international
conventions.
During a special sitting on the situation in Zimbabwe held
by the ILO's
annual congress, only Cuba's representative spoke out for the
Zimbabwean
government, according to Jan Sithole, who is director general of
the
federation of unions in Swaziland.
All other representatives from
employer, employee and governmental
organisations criticised Harare's
regime, said Sithole, who was speaking on
behalf of 11 African countries'
unions, representing over 12 million
workers.
In an attempt to escape
the judgement of the Commission, Zimbabwe's
government representative even
left the conference hall for the public
gallery.
In the report
presented on Wednesday, the ILO commission "regretted the
continual recourse
made by the government to the Public Order and Security
Act (POSA) and
lately to the Criminal Law Act of 2006, in the arrest and
detention of trade
unionists for the exercise of their trade union
activities".
The ILO
also noted with "deep concern" on the "surge in trade union rights
and human
rights violations in the country and the ongoing threats to trade
unionists'
physical safety".
In particular, it deplored the recent arrests of two
union militants
Lovemore Motombo and Wellington Chibebe and asked all
governments with
missions in the country to be present at the trial and
"follow closely all
developments in relation to their case".
The UN
agency also urged the government to "ensure all these basic civil
liberties,
to repeal the Criminal Law Act and to cease abusive recourse to
the
POSA".
In addition, it asked the government to halt all arrests, threats
and
harrassment of trade unionists, and to drop all charges against them as
well
as give them appropriate compensation.
By Tichaona Sibanda
11
June 2008
South African President Thabo Mbeki finally acknowledged there
is a crisis
in Zimbabwe, when he told MP's in Johannesburg on Wednesday that
violence in
the country was a cause for 'serious concern.'
Mbeki, who is
also the SADC bloc's chief mediator on Zimbabwe, has always
downplayed the
crisis in the country, even telling journalists in April
following the
disputed harmonized elections that 'there was no crisis' in
Zimbabwe.
But on Wednesday, with the increase of political abductions
and killings in
the country, Mbeki was forced to admit that the violence and
disruption of
electoral activities needed to be addressed urgently.
'At
the moment we are doing whatever we can to ensure that we do not
experience
major problems in the presidential second-round elections, set
for June 27,'
Mbeki said.
Elias Mudzuri, the MDC's organising secretary and MP elect
for Warren Park,
welcomed Mbeki statement but believes he could have done
more by calling on
Robert Mugabe to order his troops back into the
barracks.
Soldiers, with the help of Zanu-PF militias and state security
agents, are
being blamed for coordinating the crackdown on the supporters of
the MDC.
The Joint Operations Command, a gathering of security and armed
forces
chiefs currently in charge of the country, unleashed the armed
soldiers
after it emerged that Mugabe and Zanu-PF had lost the March
elections.
Speaking about Mbeki's statement, Mudzuri said: 'At this
moment in time, we
cannot force him but appeal to his conscience that the
person who is
suffering under his mediation is the common man on the street.
As a result
of the absence of observers many people have unnecessarily lost
their lives.'
He added; 'If he delays by another day to send observers, he's
doing more
harm than good to all Zimbabweans because we cannot recover the
lives of
people dying, we cannot recover the limbs of those
maimed.'
Glen Mpani, regional coordinator for the Cape Town based 'Centre
for the
Study of Violence and Reconciliation' said Mbeki should break his
bond with
Mugabe and allow the crisis in Zimbabwe to be discussed at the
highest
level.
Mpani said Mbeki could no longer pretend all was well
in Zimbabwe when the
economic and political situation was deteriorating at
an alarming rate. He
accused Mbeki of being complicit in protecting Mugabe
throughout his entire
presidency, saying if he had spoken out against
Zanu-PF's human rights
abuses years back, the situation could have been
different .
'He cannot say violence in Zimbabwe is of serious concern
when at the same
time he's playing a leading role in blocking the same issue
from being
discussed at the United Nations. When people say Mbeki is in bed
with Mugabe
this is what they mean,' Mpani said.
SW Radio Africa
Zimbabwe news
IOL
June 11 2008 at
01:20PM
The extensive deployment of Southern African Developing
Community
observers in Zimbabwe is needed immediately, the University of
Pretoria said
on Wednesday.
"These observers should not focus
primarily on monitoring the polls on
voting day, but should be put in place
as soon as possible to cover the
period leading up to the elections and a
reasonable period thereafter," said
the university's centre for human
rights, housed in its law faculty.
The centre's director Professor
Frans Viljoen said whether an election
was free and fair could not be
determined by only observing voting day.
It needed to take into
account the pre-election period and the period
between voting and the
release of results.
"At the moment there are clear indications that
the pre-election
conditions are not only making a free and fair election
impossible, but are
skewed in favour of the candidacy of President
Mugabe."
Reported harassment, arrests, detentions and even the
disappearance of
activists and leaders, media restriction, fear and
intimidation of the
population and non-governmental organisations all worked
against free and
fair elections.
As many observers as possible
should be allowed into the country, said
Viljoen. - Sapa
The Zimbabwean
Wednesday, 11 June 2008 14:01
The MDC said on
Tuesday it was perplexed by the absence of SADC
observers on the ground,
with just 17 days to go before the crucial
presidential run-off on 27th
June.
Despite the SADC bloc promising to send up to 400 observers, only
about 50 have so far arrived in the country.
Botswana became the
first country from SADC to send observers, when 25
jetted in on Saturday.
Another 25 will fly in on Wednesday. This other group
is from the SADC
secretariat. There were 162 SADC observers during the March
29
elections.
A SADC Heads of State Summit held in April in Lusaka,
following the
disputed March elections, agreed that the number of observers
would need to
be increased for the run-off. The MDC Secretary for
International Affairs,
Professor Elphas Mukonoweshuro, said they had hoped
that a heavy presence
would deter Zanu-PF from it's crackdown on MDC
activists.
SADC has now blamed financial constraints for the delay in
sending
observers, but the United States announced on Monday it had availed
US$7
million dollars, to help ensure they travelled to Zimbabwe for the
elections.
US State Department spokesman Sean McCormack told
reporters in
Washington that the money was 'not only to ensure that there
are proper,
sufficient numbers from countries that are going to supply the
observers,
but that they have the resources to do their job on the
ground.'
Last week South African President Thabo Mbeki, the region's
chief
mediator on Zimbabwe, said in a television interview that SADC was
increasing the number of observers 'so that they can cover all parts of
Zimbabwe' adding that 'they need to go in as early as possible.' That
statement was made with less than a month to go to the runoff, so President
Mbeki's understanding of what is 'early' is not necessarily the same as that
of the victims of violence.
The intensity of the state sponsored
violence has increased on a daily
basis and Mukonoweshuro said that since
the March elections at least 60 MDC
supporters have been killed and over 50
000 displaced, in retributive
attacks by ruling party militias.
The
MDC MP elect for Gutu South said Tsvangirai, who claimed he won
the
presidential election in March, agreed to participate in the run off on
condition that regional and international observers were allowed in early
and without restrictions.
'Everyone is agreeing observers should
come in early, we are having a
crucial election that could decide the
destiny of the country and yet there
is no evidence of any electoral
observers anyway in the country. Perhaps
they're observing from the comfort
of their hotel rooms,' he said.
Mukonoweshuro went on; 'I don't want to
be harsh, but one can conclude
perhaps they are waiting for more blood to be
shed before they begin to take
note.'
SWRadio Africa
The Monitor
(Kampala)
11 June 2008
Posted to the web 11 June 2008
Kitsepile
Nyathi
Harare
Zimbabwe is planning to empty its flooded jails of
common criminals to make
way for people arrested for political violence amid
fears President Robert
Mugabe's government will step up the persecution of
opposition activists
ahead of the June 27 presidential run-off
election.
Thousands of people, mainly opposition supporters have been
arrested since
Mr Mugabe lost the first round of the election to Movement
for Democratic
Change (MDC) leader, Mr Morgan Tsvangirai in March on
allegations of
violence.
Although the United Nations and NGOs
blame ruling Zanu PF supporters and
former fighters of the country's
liberation war loyal to Mr Mugabe for the
violence that has killed more than
60 MDC supporters and left thousands
injured, the majority of those arrested
are from the opposition.
Justice Minister Patrick Chinamasa, told state
media on Tuesday that he had
made proposals for the amnesty to create space
for those convicted of
political violence.
He said cases of
politically motivated violence were on the increase
countrywide with a
number of murders, abductions and cases of destruction of
property recorded.
"We are proposing amnesty in order to create space for
those convicted of
political violence," he said. "We recognise that
incidents of political
violence are on the increase and we want to take
measures to stamp them
out."
There are an estimated 20 000 people in Zimbabwe's prisons with a
carrying
capacity of 18 000. But human rights groups suspect that the
population has
swelled dramatically since the elections.
In the run
up to the March elections, where Mr Mugabe's Zanu PF lost its
parliamentary
majority for the first time since independence in 1980 to the
MDC, the
government denied reports that it was emptying jails to make way
for
opposition activists.
Journalists, lawyers and MDC parliamentarians have
been targeted in the
crackdown, which the opposition says is intended to
cripple its campaign. Mr
Mugabe goes into the election as an underdog after
losing dismally to Mr
Tsvangirai in the first round.
An official at
the Attorney General's office said they had adopted a policy
of refusing
bail to those accused of political violence.
UK Parliament
House of Lords
Zimbabwe: Elections
Tuesday, 10 June 2008
Lord Blaker asked Her Majesty’s Government:
Whether they will propose at the United Nations the installation of impartial observers of the forthcoming election in Zimbabwe without delay.
The Minister of State, Foreign and Commonwealth Office (Lord Malloch-Brown) : My Lords, we have already raised the need for an urgent deployment of international observers to Zimbabwe at the UN and with the UN Secretary-General. We note that some observers are beginning to deploy, but we continue to emphasise in our contacts with African and other international leaders that many more are needed and quickly.
Lord Blaker: My Lords, is the noble Lord aware of the report that the Americans and the European Union are proposing to send a message to the United Nations calling on it to send representatives to Zimbabwe? Can he confirm that that is the case and whether the message has gone? If it has gone that is certainly a very good thing, bearing in mind that many countries and organisations with great knowledge of the task have been refused admission to Zimbabwe. Is it not important that those who send monitors to Zimbabwe should have them remain there after the forthcoming vote to prevent a repeat of what happened after the previous vote? They would need to spend a long time there after the forthcoming vote to prevent what is happening now.
Lord Malloch-Brown: My Lords, President Bush has called for observers, as have many European leaders. We are pressing the European Union to make the case again, as we have, to the UN and the UN Secretary-General, who has established a trust fund to support observers. Every step is being taken through the UN and the AU to get as many observers there as possible. Certainly, they should stay after the elections until the results are clear.
Lord Alton of Liverpool: My Lords, has the noble Lord had a chance to read the reports in today’s newspapers that a six year-old boy was burnt to death yesterday when soldiers attacked the home of an opposition local councillor just outside Harare? What assessment have the Government made of the reports that real power in Zimbabwe has now passed from the hands of Robert Mugabe into the hands of the military?
Lord Malloch-Brown: My Lords, I saw that tragic report, as I am sure all Members of the House did. This is not the first child or old person to have died in recent weeks in Zimbabwe, caught up in massive electoral violence intended to prevent the people of Zimbabwe exercising their democratic free choice. We continue to press to get to the bottom of this electoral violence and we will do all we can to contain and prevent it through international pressure.
Lord Morris of Handsworth: My Lords, is the Minister aware that in his lecture last night to the MCC on the spirit of cricket, Archbishop Desmond Tutu said that Zimbabwe should not be allowed to tour England while the current regime is in place? Although I recognise that it might not be easy for the Government to ban the tour, are there any plans afoot to ensure that the Zimbabwean team does not receive visas to enter the United Kingdom?
Lord Malloch-Brown: My Lords, the Government’s reluctance to engage in sports boycotts is well known but it would be a complete travesty if a Zimbabwean team were to tour this country under the present circumstances. However, we very much hope that by the time this tour arrives a democratic Government will be in office in Zimbabwe.
Lord Avebury: My Lords, is it not clear from the story related by the noble Lord, Lord Alton, concerning the tragic death of not only a six year-old boy but his pregnant mother in an arson attack, and from the many other similar events happening up and down the country, that no matter how many election observers are deployed by the African Union, SADC or the UN, the result will be fixed by the military for its own purposes? Does the Minister not therefore endorse the advice given by the Kenyan Prime Minister, Raila Odinga, that we should tell Mugabe that his time is up and that, whatever the results of the election, a strategy shall be developed to ensure that the will of the people prevails?
Lord Malloch-Brown: My Lords, there is no doubt that if this election were to result in a stolen result, not just the people of Zimbabwe but the international community would say, “Enough is enough. This cannot be allowed to stand”. However, the evidence we are receiving is that, far from being cowed by this violence, the people of Zimbabwe are being spurred by it to turn in ever greater numbers to the opposition. I suspect, therefore, that we may still see the spirit of democracy prevail in this barren, difficult, oppressive environment.
Lord Goodlad: My Lords, will the Minister confirm that the Government have protested in the strongest possible terms to the Government of Zimbabwe about the intimidatory treatment accorded to Dr Pocock, the British Ambassador to Zimbabwe, and other diplomats? Will he acknowledge the extraordinary physical courage shown by our diplomats in that country as well as elsewhere?
Lord Malloch-Brown: My Lords, I have no doubt that the noble Lord’s words will bring much comfort to Andrew Pocock and to other British diplomats who are subjected to this kind of harassment. However, I suspect that if Her Majesty’s ambassador were standing here today, he would say that what he was subjected to—in this case what his diplomats were subjected to, because he was not personally involved in the incident last week—is nevertheless mild compared with the terrible violence that ordinary Zimbabweans are subjected to. We have protested about the treatment of him and his colleagues, but we have also protested repeatedly about the violence every Zimbabwean faces at the moment.
Baroness D'Souza: My Lords, as I understand it, the date of the next round of Zimbabwean elections coincides with the 90th birthday of Nelson Mandela, for which there will be celebrations here in London. Could an approach be made to Nelson Mandela to speak out about conditions in Zimbabwe?
Lord Malloch-Brown: My Lords, I think that Nelson Mandela, like Archbishop Tutu and other southern African leaders, is in no doubt about the situation. No doubt they are taking counsel about when is the most effective moment to speak out against a Government whose leadership is prickly, nationalistic and deeply resistant to criticism even from their immediate neighbours and, if you like, spiritual and intellectual peers, such as Mr Mandela and Archbishop Tutu.
Lord Howell of Guildford: My Lords, over and above the point rightly made by my noble friend Lord Blaker about keeping on the monitors afterwards, does the Minister agree that, right from the start in this tragedy, HMG and indeed the whole of this nation have sought to do good and to have a positive policy for the people of Zimbabwe, and yet the most horrible rumours and anti-British propaganda continue to circulate throughout the whole region? Bearing in mind the difficulty of the excellent high commissioner in Zimbabwe, who has had great difficulties getting anything out in the media at all, would there be a case for our high commissioner in Pretoria being able to speak a bit more vigorously, and possibly with less quiet diplomacy, making the case we are trying to make, which is for liberty and the rule of law and not for any sort of backward-looking ideas about colonialism? Can we have a better and more vigorous case to put to the people of South Africa and Zimbabwe?
Lord Malloch-Brown: My Lords, I think that the people of South Africa are in no doubt about the regime that immediately neighbours them. The tragic incidents involving Zimbabweans and other immigrants in South Africa is the most violent expression of a much greater unease in the country about how this issue of Zimbabwe has been handled. We are seeing in the words of the ANC president Mr Zuma and other South African leaders an increasingly robust and forceful determination to ensure that democracy does prevail next door. Certainly we as British spokesmen need to contribute to that while ensuring that we do not overstep the mark and provide evidence that somehow we are thought to be inappropriately intervening in the affairs of Zimbabwe.
The New Times
(Kigali)
OPINION
11 June 2008
Posted to the web 11 June
2008
Rejoice Ngwenya
Kigali
Follow the spoor of Robert Mugabe's
agricultural policies from 1999 onwards
and you appreciate why his recent
posturing at the food summit in Rome was
nothing more than grandiose
political gimmick.
Seven million of Mugabe's fellow citizens will soon
have to face a bloody
and confrontational electoral run off on empty
stomachs, yet Mugabe has
managed to expel humanitarian agencies from rural
areas to safeguard his
receding political empire.
Poverty,
political mileage and food are an inextricable conundrum of
survivalist
patronage in Zimbabwe, understood only by those who are
collective
victims.
The ageing dictator's self-serving ideological delusions that
America,
England and EU are responsible for Zimbabwe's food woes
surprisingly ring
tones of sympathy with many so-called anti-globalisation
and
anti-neo-liberal converts who conspire to camouflage Mugabe's policy
deficiencies under a collective global banner.
Yet the facts are
evident. Before his disastrous 'land reform' of 1999,
Zimbabwe was a net
exporter of food. The abused white commercial farmers -
whose human resource
policies were not half as demonic as the current
'indigenous' ones - merely
paid the price of dabbling in opposition
politics.
If the current
'settlers' are Mugabe's cronies or eternally grateful
perennial praise
singers, how different are they from their predecessors in
the context of
democratic right of freedom of association?
At a closer look, Zimbabwe's
beneficiaries of 'land reform', in US dollar
terms, have received ten times
as much in input support than previous farm
owners.
Between 1980 and
1999, farming was considered a business, not part of a
complex web of
political philanthropy. Investors went to seek loans from
commercial banks,
traded and exported on the open market.
Nowadays, Gideon Gono, Central
Bank Governor of Zimbabwe is complicit to a
broader scheme of highly
politicised handouts of tractors, fertilisers, seed
and diesel that easily
find their way onto the black market.
Meanwhile, this public charade of
policy misdemeanours has driven inflation
beyond the two million percent
mark and decimated Zimbabwe's food baskets.
If Horace Campbell, the
acclaimed Pan-Africanist says "food riots in
Senegal, Ivory Coast, South
Africa, Egypt, Somalia and Cameroon are the
outward signs of the stirrings
of a new liberation movement where the
peoples of Africa are demanding food,
clothing, shelter and access to proper
health care", I argue that in
Zimbabwe, just restore the sanctity of
property rights and we will smile all
the way to the grain silos!
The uncanny propensity of Africans to seek
scapegoats for policy failures
has manifested itself in xenophobic attacks
on Zimbabweans by South African
hooligans, bankrolled with COSATU's
socialist rhetoric.
Pan Africanist Tajudeen Abdul-Raheem says
'unpatriotic national leaders sell
Africa to anti-people globalisation and
neo-liberal policies that continue
to impoverish Africans', but my question
is, how can Zimbabwe, with so much
arable land, be poorer than Namibia with
so many sand dunes?
I insist that African liberation and nationhood can
co-exist with
globalisation, trade and privatisation. Otherwise how else can
we fuel
economic growth and self-sufficiency?
Robert Mugabe and his
fellow revolutionaries have studied Maoist dogma long
enough to remember
that it is easier to control starving masses than an
enlightened well-off
middle class.
Zimbabwean NGOs that have been, since 1980, covering up his
policy deficits
are now criminalised for supplying food to starving
citizens.
Bright Matonga, self-appointed minister for misinformation,
alleges that
NGOs use food to buy votes for opposition to ultimately
discredit Robert
Mugabe.
But when it comes to Gideon Gono's lavish
'farm mechanization scheme',
government spin doctors call label it 'food
security'. Monumental hypocrisy!
Rejoice Ngwenya is a regular columnist
for www.AfricanLiberty.org. He is a
Zimbabwean Freemarket Activist and Political Analyst based in Harare.
By Matthew
Hennessey, Patrick
Bond June 11, 2008 Matthew Hennessey of Policy Innovations interviews Bond, author
of several books including Zimbabwe's Plunge and Looting Africa:
The Economics of Exploitation.
Is land reform at the root of the political crisis in
Zimbabwe? No, I see it as a symptom of the conflict, useful mainly for confusing
people. After Mugabe lost the February 2000 constitutional referendum and the
opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) rose to threaten his hold over
the state, land politics became a central piece of the ruling party's
legitimation strategy. It appears now, however, that cronyism has gone so far
that even once-enthusiastic backers of land redistribution via the war veterans
and paramilitaries have to acknowledge high levels of corruption, incompetence,
and an agricultural crisis. Sorting out agriculture, post-Mugabe, will be
exceptionally difficult if there is a relatively close balance of forces between
Mugabe's cronies and a new, democratic government. It's easy to see how U.S.,
British, and other Northern pressure will only make matters worse. How has the land reform issue been dealt with in South
Africa? Nearly identically to Zimbabwe in its 1980–2000 policy period. The same "willing seller,
willing buyer" strategy was adopted. Even the same World Bank staff have
been involved. And the results, too, have been the same: practically no land
reform in South Africa's first fourteen years of democracy. Around 4 percent of
arable land has changed hands, when 30 percent was the target for the first five
years. This was based upon a natural turnover in the market of six percent and
the expectation that an end to subsidies for white farmers would put even more
land on the market. The obvious consequence has been growing social unrest in
both urban and rural settings. Does the crisis in Zimbabwe threaten southern Africa's regional
economic stability? In spite of Zimbabwe's meltdown since late 1997, there have been fairly good
gross domestic product (GDP) growth rates in the three neighboring states to the
east, south, and west: Mozambique, South Africa, and Botswana. It is plausibly
argued, for example by the Financial Times correspondent in Harare,
that South African businesses have benefited from Zimbabwe's meltdown thanks to
large inflows of desperate and inexpensive labor and takeovers in the domestic
market as manufacturers went bankrupt. Remember, Zimbabwe used to have the
world's third-largest industrial economy as a percentage of GDP. The main "risk" is an awareness by business leaders that what happens in
Zimbabwe is a harbinger for southern Africa's problems, since so many nations
have rather similar appearances. The biggest difference in South Africa, though,
is a strong civil society which has contested what's called the "Zanufication"
of the African National Congress, with a degree of success. Do you expect violence in Zimbabwe to worsen prior to the June 27
runoff? Should he be elected, what should Morgan Tsvangirai do to address the
dire economic conditions inside Zimbabwe? Hopefully, Tsvangirai keeps his word and strives to win the June election
outright rather than agree to a top-down government of national unity which
would cement all the worst features of political life in Zimbabwe. As the
situation in Kenya shows, there's no guarantee of stability while an Old Guard
elite retains partial power. If Tsvangirai were to miraculously win and be
appointed president, the first job for any serious government would be to end
the crony relationships that are so central to the inflationary surge.
Dislodging several thousand parasitic bureaucrats will take enormous effort. The challenge is greater because of the conditions that lending countries and
institutions would likely attach to aid and loan money ($2 billion/year is
anticipated). These conditions would include the full liberalization of
macroeconomic relations, privatization of parastatal agencies, and decimation of
the bloated civil service—actions that would rapidly shrink effective demand and
create much more instability. Repayment of Mugabe's $5 billion in odious debt to the Bretton Woods
Institutions and other lenders will be another crucial economic choice:
Progressives demand repudiation of this debt in view of the corrupt character
and ineffectiveness of Mugabe's prior international financial dealings. Although the World Bank called his 1990–95 Economic Structural Adjustment
Programme "highly satisfactory" (the highest rating), the rest of the society
believes it to have been a central structural cause of the subsequent meltdown.
There are a few civil society initiatives, such as the Jubilee
affiliate and the National People's Convention, which will resist the sort
of program that the World Bank and its donors are currently drawing up, partly
in association with Movement for Democratic Change economists and the Cato
Institute. Quite a serious class struggle lies immediately ahead in the event Tsvangirai
wins and takes power. Are South Africans satisfied with their government's response to what
is happening in Zimbabwe? Thankfully, no. The disgust most South Africans have for Mbeki's quiet
diplomacy approach to Zimbabwe—i.e., nurturing Mugabe's dictatorship—is similar
to the disgust for the structural aspects of his rule in South Africa, including
AIDS denial and pro-poverty/profit policies. His economic policies led to such intense inequality—higher even than during
apartheid—and also the doubling of unemployment, while the West cheered him on,
that grassroots reaction was inevitable. Recently this has turned
proto-fascistic with xenophobia, but the reaction is also captured in a more
hopeful sign: There are more protests and demonstrations in South Africa than
just about anywhere else in the world. The challenge is to help channel this amazing energy and address the local
grievances in a structural manner, so that society can quickly move to both a
post-nationalist and post-neoliberal footing. The Zimbabwe situation has such an
adverse balance of forces that getting to the first stage will be difficult
enough, since Mugabe appears ready to cling to power at all costs—and the second
stage may be foiled by the heavy hands of bumbling Western diplomats. Meanwhile, at least a couple of million Zimbabweans here in South Africa are
hunkering down, as it's not safe to go home, and it's sometimes not safe to go
outdoors in South Africa either. This is in part because Pretoria has been
really slow, stingy, and xenophobic in its own right, when it comes to refugee
relief.
Pro-MDC expatriates in South Africa.
Photo by Sokwanele-Zimbabwe
(CC).
Comment from a correspondent -
AS this country sinks back into
war, I re read the two coalition
agreements which got trashed, the last one
on Feb 2. Had the two
MDC's fought the election together, we would not be
in this position
we are in today.
APRIL 2007 COALITION – PLUS MINUTES OF JULY 07 NATIONAL
COUNCIL MEETING REFERRING TO COALITION (PAGE 8),
AND STELLA ALLBERRY’S COMMENT ON FAILED COALITION IN FEB
2008 (page 9)
FEB 2008 COALITION AGREEMENT THAT WAS REJECTED BY
TSVANGIRAI – PAGE 11 (PAGE 17 HAS RATIOS OF SEATS BY
PROVINCE)
DRAFT
Coalition Agreement
___________
Preamble
Recognising
that
the differences which have arisen within the MDC must be put aside and that the
two MDC formations should work together in the national
interest;
Believing
that meaningful change in Zimbabwe can come only through democratic, free and
fair elections in which every Zimbabwean citizen has a vote and a reasonable
opportunity to exercise that vote;
Appreciating
the strong national sentiment for unity of purpose in confronting the
dictatorial governmental structures within
Zimbabwe;
Realising
that active co-operation between the two MDC formations will greatly enhance the
prospects of successfully contesting
elections:
Now
therefore the
two formations enter into this Coalition
Agreement:–
Preliminary
1.
Interpretation
(1)
In this Agreement, the following terms have the following meanings¾
“Coalition” means the coalition formed by the two MDC
formations in terms of clause 4, acting where appropriate through the structures
established under this Agreement;
“Coalition structure” means a structure established in
terms of clause 6, 7, 8 or 9;
“MDC formation” or “formation” means the formation led
by Morgan Tsvangirai and the formation led by Arthur Mutambara
respectively.
(2) References to clauses and subclauses are to the
clauses and subclauses of this Agreement.
2.
Mutual recognition
Each MDC formation fully accepts the independence and
equality of the other formation.
3.
Co-operation between formations
The MDC formations agree that the principles enunciated
in this Agreement provide a sound foundation for future co-operation between the
two formations, and that these principles also constitute a sound basis for
dealing with broader national issues.
Formation of coalition, Values, Principles, Goals and
objectives
4.
Formation of Coalition
(1) The MDC formations hereby agree to form a
Coalition to be known as the Movement for Democratic Change Coalition.
(2) The MDC Coalition will be bound by and strive
for the fulfilment of the values and principles set out in clause
5.
(3) The MDC Coalition will strive to achieve the
goals and objectives set out in clause 6.
5.
Values and Principles
(1) The MDC Coalition will at all times be bound by the
following general principles and values:
a)
respect
for the equality of all persons without regard to race, ethnicity, gender,
language, religion, political opinion and place of birth or
origin;
b)
respect
for the inherent dignity of each and every person and in particular the right to
life and bodily safety;
c)
respect
for human rights and in particular freedom of expression, assembly, movement and
the right to liberty and protection of the
law;
d)
respect
for democratic principles and democratic
discourse;
e)
adherence
to the principle of non-violence in the conduct of all political activity,
including interaction between the two
formations;
f)
the
pursuit of meaningful political change in Zimbabwe through democratic, peaceful,
free and fair elections.
6.
Goals and objectives of Coalition
The
MDC formations commit themselves to working together and supporting each other
in the Coalition, in accordance with its values and principles, to achieve the
following goals and objectives through the use of non-violent, legitimate
means¾
(a) the replacement of tyrannical governmental
and political structures in Zimbabwe by a new democratic order which creates a
non-racist, non-tribalist, non-sexist and tolerant society which respects
equally and fairly different ethnic, religious, cultural and political
groups;
(b) the formulation, adoption and
implementation of a new democratic constitution which has been agreed to through
an inclusive and transparent process involving all the main political and civil
society organisations in Zimbabwe;
(c) the formulation, adoption and
implementation of a new electoral order in Zimbabwe which complies with
democratic principles and international electoral
standards.
Structures of
Coalition
7.
National Coalition Council
(1) The MDC formations agree to establish forthwith a
National Coalition Council composed of the national executive committee of each
formation.
(2) Meetings of the National Coalition Council will be
chaired on an alternate basis by the National Chairpersons of each
formation.
(3) The National Coalition Council must meet at least
twice a year.
(4) Meetings of the National Coalition Council will be
called or convened at the request of the Coalition Executive
Committee.
(5)
The National Coalition Council will have power and authority, in furtherance of
the Coalition’s objectives¾
(a) to give broad policy direction to the
Coalition structures; and
(b) to assign or delegate functions to
Coalition structures to enable them fully to implement this
Agreement.
8.
Coalition Executive Committee
(1)
There will be a committee of the National Coalition Council, to be known as the
Coalition Executive Committee consisting of the following persons from the
formations¾
(a) the Presidents and the Vice Presidents;
(b) the National Chairpersons and
Vice-National Chairpersons;
(c) the Secretary-Generals and the Vice
Secretary-Generals;
(d) the Treasurer-Generals and Vice-Treasurer
Generals;
(f) the National Directors of
Elections.
(2) The Coalition Executive Committee will be
responsible for devising effective joint political strategies, including
strategies in relation to elections, to further the objectives of the
Coalition.
(3) The President of each formation will preside as
chairperson at alternate meetings of the Coalition Executive Committee, and will
be regarded as chairperson of the committee from the commencement of the meeting
at which he or she presides until immediately before the commencement of the
next meeting.
(4) The Coalition Executive Committee may give
directions to the Coalition Task Force regarding the implementation of
strategies it has devised.
(5) The Coalition Executive Committee, through its
chairperson, must keep the National Coalition Council regularly informed of its
decisions and their implementation.
9.
Coalition Task Force
(1)
There will be a committee of the National Coalition Executive Committee to be
known as the Coalition Task Force and consisting of the following persons from
the formations¾
(a)
the
Secretary-Generals and Deputy
Secretary-Generals;
(b)
the
Treasurer-Generals and Deputy
Treasurer-Generals;
(c)
the
National Directors of Elections;
(d)
the
National Organising Secretaries;
(e)
the
Information and Publicity Secretaries; .
(f)
the
National Chairpersons of the Women’s and Youth Assemblies
and
(g)
the
Women and Youth Secretary-Generals or National
Secretaries.
(2)
The Coalition Task Force will be responsible for¾
(a) effectively implementing the policies and
strategies of the Coalition; and
(b) fund raising to support Coalition
activities, including voter education and the organisation of MDC election
campaigns.
(3) In consultation with each other, the
Secretaries-General of the formations will be responsible for setting up a
secretariat to support the work of the Coalition Executive
Committee.
(4) The publicity functions relating to the Coalition’s
activities will be performed by jointly by the Secretaries-General of the
formations.
10.
Provincial, district and ward structures
(1) There will be Coalition Task Forces at Provincial,
District and Ward levels which will consist at each level of the following
persons from the formations:
(a)
Chairpersons;
(b)
Secretaries;
(c)
Treasurers;
(d)
Organising
Secretaries;
(e)
Election
Directors;
(f)
Information
and Publicity Secretaries; and
(g)
Chairpersons
for Women and Youth.
(3) If the boundaries of a province, district or ward,
as recognised by one formation, differ from the boundaries recognised by the
other formation, the Coalition Task Force will determine which boundaries should
be recognised for the purpose of this
Agreement.
(4) The functions of the Coalition Committees will be
to ensure that this Agreement, and the policies and strategies devised by the
National Coalition Council and the Coalition Executive Committee, are fully
implemented within their respective provinces, districts and
wards.
11.
Convening of meetings of Coalition structures
(1) Coalition structures, in consultation with each
other, will meet at such times and places as they may decide from time to
time.
(2)
The chairperson of a Coalition structure¾
(a) may convene a special meeting of the
structure at any time;
(b) must convene a special meeting of the
structure on the written request of not fewer than of one-third of its members,
which meeting must be convened for a date not sooner than seven days and not
later than thirty days after the chairperson’s receipt of the
request.
(3) No business may be discussed at a special meeting
convened in terms of paragraph (b) of subclause (2) except the business
specified in the request for the meeting.
(4) The Secretary-Generals must ensure that every
member of the structure is given at least forty-eight hours’ notice of every
meeting of the structure, and the notice must specify the business to be
transacted at the meeting:
Provided that where it is urgently necessary to do so, a
Coalition structure may hold a special meeting even if its members have been
given less than forty-eight hours’ notice of the meeting, but the reasons for
doing so must be fully recorded in the minutes of the
meeting;
12.
Procedure at meetings of Coalition structures
(1) If for any reason the chairperson of a Coalition
structure is not present within fifteen minutes after a meeting of the structure
was due to commence, the other joint chairperson will chair the meeting, and if
that other chairperson is also absent for any reason, the members present must
elect one of their number to preside at the meeting as acting
chairperson.
(2) A majority of the total membership of a Coalition
structure will form a quorum at any meeting of the
structure.
(3) Decisions of Coalition structures must be reached
on the basis of consensus, and if a structure is unable to reach consensus on
any issue, the issue must be referred to a higher structure for
decision.
(4) Subject to this clause, the procedure to be adopted
at meetings of a Coalition structure is to be determined by the structure
itself, except where a higher structure has specified the procedure to be
adopted.
Selection of
Candidates
13.
Presidential elections
(1) The MDC formations agree that if the
Coalition decides to contest the next Presidential election, the Coalition will
put forward a single candidate to contest it, and that candidate will be chosen
by the formation led by Morgan Tsvangirai.
(2) If the candidate referred to in subclause (1)
wins the Presidential election, he or she will appoint as one of the
Vice-President a person nominated by the formation led by Arthur
Mutambara.
14.
Elections to the House of Assembly
(1)
If the Coalition decides to contest the next general election on the basis of
the current constitutional provisions (that is one hundred and twenty elected
seats), the question of which formation should put forward a candidate to
contest a seat will be decided as follows¾
(a) where a member of one of the formations
holds a seat, or held it immediately before it became vacant, that formation
will put forward a candidate, after consultation with appropriate organs of the
other formation, to contest the seat;
(b) where a seat was not held by a member of
either formation, each of the formations must, within the prescribed period of
time, hold primary election to select a candidate for this seat. An Electoral
College with thereafter be established to decide on which of the two candidates
will be selected to contest that seat. The Electoral College will consist of 30
persons from each of the formations. The Electoral College may, as part of the
process of selection, interview each of the candidates. In the event that the
Electoral College is unable to reach a consensus on which of the two candidates
to select, the matter will be referred to the Coalition Executive Committee. The
Coalition Executive Committee will, by consensus, decide which of the two
candidates to select. Its decision will be final and
binding.
(c) in selecting candidates for the next
general election in respect of whom clause 14(1)(b) applies the Coalition must
ensure that each formation will have fifty per cent of the
candidates.
(2) If a by-election for a seat in the House of
Assembly is to be held before the next general election, the decision to contest
it will be reached by the Coalition after a process of consultation, and if it
is decided to contest the seat, the allocation of the seat between the
formations will be determined in accordance with subclause
(1).
(3) In the selection of candidates for a general
election, the Coalition must try to ensure that 50 per cent of the chosen
candidates for seats in the House of Assembly are women, but if that target is
not possible it must ensure that at least 30 per cent of the candidates are
women.
15.
Elections to the Senate
(1) If the Coalition decides to contest the next
general election on the basis of the current constitutional provisions (that is
fifty elected seats), each formation will be allocated fifty per cent of the
Senate seats available.
(2) In the selection of candidates for a general
election, the Coalition must ensure that 50 per cent of the chosen candidates
for seats in the Senate are women.
16.
Local authority elections
(1)
If the Coalition decides to contest a local authority election, the question of
which formation should put forward a candidate to contest a seat will be decided
as follows¾
(a) where a member of one of the formations
holds a seat, or held it immediately before it became vacant, that formation
will put forward a candidate, after consultation with appropriate organs of the
other formation, to contest the seat;
(b) where a seat was not held by a member of
either formation, the Coalition will agree upon an equitable formula for
deciding which formation should put forward a candidate to contest the seat,
taking into account such considerations as the prospect of winning the seat in
question. The formation which is allocated the seat will put forward a
candidate, after consultation with the appropriate organs of the other
formation, to contest the seat.
(3) In the selection of candidates for local authority
elections, the Coalition must try to ensure that 50 per cent of the chosen
candidates are women but if that target is not possible it must ensure that at
least 30 per cent of the candidates are
women.
17.
Changes to structure of parliament or electoral system
In the event that before the next
election:
(a)
there
are changes to the law relating to the structure of parliament so as to increase
the number of seats in the House of Assembly or Senate;
and/or
(b)
there
are changes to the electoral system so as to introduce a system of proportional
representation based on a party list system;
the Coalition Executive Committee must meet to devise
upon an equitable formula for the distribution of seats that is consistent with
the principles set out in this agreement. The Coalition Executive Committee will
transmit this formula to the National Coalition Council for its approval.
Post-Election
Procedures
18.
Allocation of Government posts by President
(1) Subject to the Constitution, if the Coalition wins
the presidential and parliamentary elections, the President will allocate
Cabinet posts in consultation with the Vice President and the National Executive
Council, taking into account the need for equitable distribution of posts
between the two formations, regard being had to the importance of those
posts:
Provided that the President may allocate not more than
three of the Cabinet posts in his or her sole
discretion.
(2) Subject to the Constitution and any other law, the
President will make appointments to other Government offices in consultation
with the Vice President and the National Coalition Executive Committee, taking
into account the need for equitable distribution of posts between the two
formations paying due regard to the principle of equality of the two formations
and the need for equal representation.
19.
Priorities following election victory
If
the Coalition wins the presidential and parliamentary elections and no new
national Constitution has been brought into operation, the MDC Government
commits itself to making the process of Constitutional reform its main priority,
and in this regard it is agreed that¾
(a) the MDC Government will consider itself to
be a transitional administration tasked with formulating and implementing a new
democratic Constitution after thorough consultation with the people of
Zimbabwe;
(b) the constitutional reform process will last
no more than two years from the date on which the winning Coalition Presidential
candidate takes office, and will culminate in fresh elections conducted in terms
of the new Constitution which will be held not later than five years from that
date.
20.
Failure to win the election
If the Coalition loses the presidential and
parliamentary elections, the National Coalition Council will meet to discuss the
future of the Coalition.
Miscellaneous
Provisions
21.
Expenses of Coalition
Any expenses incurred in carrying out this Agreement, or
in operating the Coalition structures, will be divided in equal shares between
the two formations:
Provided that the Coalition Task Force may decide that
any particular expenses will be shared in different proportions or will be borne
by one or other of the formations.
22.
Changes in Constitution or in electoral procedures
(1) If any amendment to the national Constit