The Zimbabwe Situation

http://www.swradioafrica.com

Posted by Tichaona Sibanda on Tuesday, January 8, 2013 in COPAC | 2 comments

MDC-T spokesman Douglas Mwonzora
By Tichaona Sibanda
08 January 2013

The COPAC co-chairmen representing parties to the GPA have reported progress
in their efforts to overcome differences holding up the finalization of the
country’s new constitution.

It appears all the sides have made concessions on the four occasions the
co-chairmen have met in the last two weeks. There have reportedly been
‘intense’ discussions to remove remaining obstacles to the constitution
making process.

The process ran into significant difficulties last year with all parties
failing to agree with six chapters dealing with the devolution of power,
executive authority, national prosecuting authority, peace and
reconciliation commission, land committee and running mates.

Douglas Mwonzora, the co-chairman representing the MDC-T, told SW Radio
Africa on Tuesday that following four meetings in the last fortnight, they’ve
provisionally managed to iron out everything, with the exception of the
issue of running mates.

Mwonzora disclosed that on devolution, at the insistence of ZANU PF, they
inserted a preamble that describes it as not meaning ‘cessation or
divisionism, but an answer to uneven development.’

‘On the land commission, we’ve agreed that the appointment of the executive
committee would involve parliament. Since Zimbabwe will not be in a
perpetual state of conflict, we agreed that the national peace and
reconciliation commission will be removed from the constitution after 7
years,’ Mwonzora said.

Although the Nyanga North MP was non-committal about the remaining
difference on running mates, SW Radio Africa is reliably informed the COPAC
chairs felt the discussion needed the input of the principals, the
individuals most affected by this provision in the constitution.

‘In the interim, the co-chairs have decided to retain the running mates
clause in the constitution and deal with what happens in the transitional
period, between now and the elections.

‘It has been recommended to the cabinet committee to work out a special
provision that will deal with the selection of the Vice Presidents in the
transitional period,’ a source said.

Mwonzora confirmed that the cabinet committee will meet in Harare this week
to try and deal with the issue of the running mates, as well as tentatively
agreeing on the issues that the co-chairs thrashed out in the last two
weeks.

Voter registration activists live in fear

http://www.dailynews.co.zw

By Jeffrey Muvundusi, Own Correspondent
Tuesday, 08 January 2013 10:38
BULAWAYO - Voter registration activists in Bulawayo are living in fear
following a clampdown by the police to stop further registration of first
time voters in the city widely regarded as an MDC stronghold.

Helen Tsepiso Mpofu, who has for the past years been spearheading voter
registration in Bulawayo under the Youth Initiative for Democracy in
Zimbabwe (Yidez), told the Daily News yesterday that officers from police
secretive unit, Pisi, had been deployed to investigate issues to do with
voter registration in the city’s high density suburbs.

“Since Thursday last week, Pisi officers have been going around the suburbs
investigating and interrogating our members on the voter registration,”
Mpofu, who is Yidez Bulawayo coordinator, said.

“The police are asking for the number of people we have registered so far as
well as inquiring more on the whole process we have been undertaking for a
long time.

“As if that was not enough, I personally received a call from a police
officer who identified himself as Agrippa Mabanda from Southampton House
along Main Street. He interrogated me about my interest in the voter
registration process,” she said.

“Most of our members now fear for their lives because knowing how the police
are being used by Zanu PF, we really take this issue seriously,” she added.

Since Thursday, areas such as Makokoba, Mzilikazi, Mpopoma, Nkulumane and
Bulawayo central have received constant visits by the Pisi agents.

Some of those questioned, Sizalobuhle Phiri and Simbarashe Chakauya, who are
Yidez coordinators in Makokoba Constituency, confirmed being interrogated by
a Pisi officer only identified as Ncube.

Mpofu, also an MDC activist in Bulawayo, described the latest development as
a clear example of intimidation by Zanu PF, adding the team would not be
cowed.

“This is nothing but just intimidation to our members and we are not taking
a step backwards. In fact, we have raised the issue with the national
leadership and subsequently written a letter to Jomic (Joint Monitoring and
Implementation Committee) raising the matter,” she said.

Yidez director, Sydney Chasi, told the Daily News that his office was still
in the process of gathering details.

“Yes we have received reports that the police have been going around
intimidating our members in Bulawayo but I am still trying to engage our
lawyers. As of now, we don’t have finer details,” said Chasi.
Contacted for comment, Bulawayo provincial police spokesperson Mandlenkosi
Moyo said he was not aware of the matter.

“I will find out,” is all he could say.

The move by the police is believed to be an attempt to tactically condense
the number of voters in the region considered an MDC stronghold ahead of the
watershed elections expected this year.

Zimbabweans Ignore Politicians' Plea For Peace

http://www.voazimbabwe.com

Arthur Chigoriwa, Chris Gande
07.01.2013

Villagers in Chipfunde in Uzumba constituency, Mashonaland Province, say the
plea by political leaders to desist from violence appears to have fallen on
deaf ears because there is a lot of intimidation by suspected Zanu PF
supporters.

Kasere Zaranyika, the provincial secretary of the Movement for Democratic
Change (MDC) wing of Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai, told VOA Studio 7
that as a result of the intimidation some villagers now have to walk for
more than 15 kilometres to the next village to access grinding mills.

There is also fear that some Zanu PF supporters who allegedly raped women in
the run-up to the 2008 elections were not prosecuted and may be on the prowl
ahead of the coming elections.

Meanwhile, as tension builds up in the run-up to the elections concern has
been raised over the deployment of the military in some places in Manicaland
Province.

But the Zimbabwe National Army says this is to protect the country against
Mozambique’s RENAMO rebels from getting into Zimbabwe.

Political commentator, Qhubani Moyo, who is also the organizing secretary of
the MDC wing of Industry Minister Welshman Ncube says the deployment is a
ploy by Zanu PF to intimidate people in those regions to vote for President
Robert Mugabe’s party.

Elections Unlikely by March

http://www.voanews.com

Sebastian Mhofu
January 08, 2013

HARARE — Bickering over Zimbabwe's proposed new constitution is reducing
chances the government will comply with a court ruling to hold national
elections by March 31.

Practically speaking, a new constitution must come before new elections in
Zimbabwe, because southern African leaders want to ensure the elections are
credible.

A committee submitted a draft constitution to parliament last July, but
Zimbabwe’s main political parties have yet to agree on what changes to make
before the charter is put before voters in a referendum.

Zimbabwe’s Minister of Constitutional and Parliamentary Affairs, Eric
Matinenga, says he cannot say when the referendum might be held.

“I really wish I could tell. The earlier we have a constitution, the
earlier we have a referendum. If we had a constitution maybe this week or
next week, it means that we immediately go to parliament and we go for a
referendum immediately thereafter,” he said.

Disputes between main parties

Zimbabwe's constitution-making process is at an impasse because of disputes
between the main parties in the coalition government - President Robert
Mugabe’s ZANU-PF party and Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai’s Movement for
Democratic Change (MDC).

The parties disagree on a proposed reduction of presidential powers and the
inclusion of gay rights laws, among other things. As a result, Zimbabwe is
unlikely to meet a court ruling to hold national elections by 31 March.

McDonald Lewanika heads the Crisis in Zimbabwe Coalition. He says there are
other factors which will make an election by the end of March unlikely.

“We had heard of an accelerated calendar with regards to election
preparation processes," said Lewanika. "That has not taken place. And more
importantly, the conditions that are supposed to be there to ensure that
this election process is free and fair are nowhere being achieved; a case in
point is the constitution-making process which is basically in limbo at the
moment.”

Matinenga has been leading discussions aimed at narrowing differences on the
constitution. He says areas of disagreement have gone down from more than
30 to about five since July of last year. He says he wants the issue
settled soon.

“I really think the people out there are tired. I am tired too. I think
the next two weeks will give us an indication as to where we are going in
terms of the constitution,” said Matinenga.

Even if areas of disagreements are solved, it is unlikely that Zimbabwe will
have elections by March since the constitution requires a 90-day notice
before voting can take place.

No funds for elections

And there is another hurdle to jump over: money. Last month Zimbabwe’s
finance minister Tendai Biti said the country did not have funds for the
referendum and the elections.

“2013, the biggest challenge is funding the elections and the referendum,"
he said. "It is clear that our resources are not going to be enough. It is
quite clear that the international community has to come in for assistance.”

The Zimbabwe Electoral Commission has asked for nearly $200 million to hold
the referendum and the elections. Earlier this week, Biti said he had
released $1 million to ensure voter registration begins.

Zanu PF clings to Mugabe goodies

http://www.dailynews.co.zw

Tuesday, 08 January 2013 10:46

HARARE - Zanu PF says it cannot share goodies dished by President Robert
Mugabe with non-party members, even those it wants to lure ahead of this
year’s crunch general election.

The $20 million presidential farming input scheme launched recently in all
of the 10 country’s provinces has been a bone for contention between Zanu PF
officials and poor villagers being denied access because they hold no
positions.

Officials at the forefront of the scheme such as Ernest Marodza, the
Mukaradzi Zanu PF district chairperson, say there is nothing to be ashamed
of in denying non-party members the inputs.

Marodza told a gathering in his district at the weekend that only the party’s
loyal followers should benefit from such schemes. Mt Darwin South MP and
Indigenisation minister Saviour Kasukuwere attended the meeting.

“No MDC must benefit from our party. What do you do when your wife leaves
you because of your flaws? Should you help her when she comes back because
she is desperate for assistance?” he quipped.

“These inputs are being financed by our leader, President Mugabe through
what he gets from his connections,” he said.

Zanu PF spokesperson, Rugare Gumbo has previously made it clear that the
scheme was designed by his party to ensure food security and cushion staunch
supporters from hunger.

Marodza emphasised there were other programmes which are national in nature
in which supporters of other parties can benefit from.

“National programmes should be open to everyone and not just Zanu PF.
Currently we are working on a water purification scheme, which will benefit
the entire community not just Zanu PF supporters,” he said.

Some political analysts have described Mugabe’s agricultural inputs scheme
as a vote buying gimmick which is turning out to be his biggest setback in
the drive to lure new voters.

The Daily News recently revealed that anger was simmering in many rural and
resettled communities following unfair distribution of maize seed by Zanu PF
grassroots leaders which saw only their blue-eyed boys benefiting.

Kasukuwere demanded transparency and accountability in the distribution of
the inputs.

“Let me know if you fail to benefit from these programmes so that I can
trace who would have taken your share,” he told the villagers.

“Whether it is a party or national programme, those in charge should be able
to account for what they received.” - Wendy Muperi

Govt acquires pothole patching equipment

Home Affairs finds Beitbridge chaos solution

Near-riot at Beitbridge Border Post as chaos continues

http://www.newzimbabwe.com

07/01/2013 00:00:00
by Sports Reporter

STAGNANT traffic remained backed up for more than 10km at the Beitbridge
Border Post Monday as the unfolding chaos almost spilled into a riotous
situation.

Tempers and frustrations were so high that South African authorities had to
beef up security, witnesses said.

Traffic into the neighbouring country started swelling last week as
thousands of Zimbabwean nationals working in that nation began heading back.

Slow processing on the South African side caused a backup of thousands of
vehicles stretching up to 20 kilometers or so along the roads leading to
Bulawayo and Harare, sparking outrage from both sides of the Limpopo.

“This is insane, the situation here is indescribable,” said traveler Saziso
Ndebele, who revealed that he had slept in line for three nights, and still
going.

“The problem is with the South African customs and immigration side, and
given our experiences in the past few years, some of us are tempted to think
that there is a xenophobic element involved.”

Zimbabwe immigration officials, struggling with the congestion started by
their counterparts across the Limpopo, were said to be furious with the
South African authorities.

The congestion has sparked outrage even at government level with Home
Affairs Minister Kembo Mohadi protesting to his South African counterpart
Naledi Pandor.

“We had a discussion this morning with Minister Pandor over the terrible
situation at Beitbridge,” Mohandi told the Herald.

“She indicated that they will immediately deploy more immigration officers
to the border and open up more clearing points at their side of the border
[adding that] they had not anticipated the volume of traffic to increase
judging from the previous experience.”

Education Minister David Coltart also expressed concern saying the chaos did
not bode well for Zimbabwe’s tourism prospects.

“The situation at Beitbridge remains intolerable, unacceptable and a major
obstruction to Zimbabwe ever attracting significant tourists from South
Africa,” Coltart said.

Beitbridge is the busiest border post in Southern Africa, handling about
9,000 travelers into South Africa in a single ordinary day. But officials
say the figure soars to over 25,000 during holidays.

It also handles 2,000 small cars and 1,500 mostly commercial trucks daily
during peak days.

SA & Zim urged to end border crossing nightmare

http://www.swradioafrica.com

By Alex Bell
08 January 2013

The governments of both South Africa and Zimbabwe are being urged to
collaborate and bring an end to the chaotic situations at the Beitbridge
border post, where days of congestion have only just started to ease.

The border has been the scene of chaos since last week with tens of
thousands of people returning to South Africa after their Christmas
holidays. The result was a sometimes 20 km stretch of cars waiting for their
turn to cross the border, forcing many travellers to sleep in their cars for
days. The frayed tempers, irate motorists and reports of near riots, later
saw South Africa beef-up its security presence at the border crossing, to
prevent the anger turning into violence.

Local businessman Moffat Ndou told SW Radio Africa that the situation was
“beyond human understanding,” and should have been prevented. He said the
problem was on the South African side, where too few immigration officials
had been deployed to clear the queues.

“It is the worst I’ve seen it since I’ve been in Beitbridge, so really the
worst in years. It should never have been allowed to happen. It is busy
every year and it must not be allowed to happen again,” Ndou said.

Ndou described how local businesses in Beitbridge were seriously affected,
with people unable to get to work because of the congested roads. He also
urged the governments of both countries to collaborate to ease the
congestion, because of the high number of Zimbabweans working in South
Africa.

Co-Home Affairs Minister Kembo Mohadi on Monday contacted his South African
counterpart, Naledi Pandor, who in turn promised to immediately increase the
number of immigration officials at the South African side of the birder.
Ndou explained that the congestion has slowly started to clear since Monday
evening.

Pandor said the large number of travellers was underestimated and South
Africa was unprepared for the crowds. But many Zimbabweans, who took to
social networking websites like Facebook and Twitter to share their
experiences, said the situation could easily been anticipated and prevented.
Online users said the chaos is expected every year because of the large
number of Zimbabweans working in SA.

Among them was Education Minister David Coltart who took to Facebook to
criticise the situation, calling the congestion a ‘national embarrassment’.
He told SW Radio Africa on Tuesday that the situation was “entirely
predictable,” and border congestion is an issue that has repeatedly been
discussed at cabinet level for years.

“Far from resolving the issue it now appears to be getting worse… there
needs to be regional commitment and action to ease the congestion at the
borders,” Coltart said.

He added that a number of short and long term measures need to be seriously
considered, including opening a second border to help cope with the flow of
traffic from central Africa down to the economic hub of South Africa’s
Gauteng.

“In the short term though, there needs to be radical action and changes. We
need to stop reacting to crises and instead we need a proactive approach to
this,” Coltart said.

Four family members killed in crash

Three border jumpers swept away by river

http://www.newzimbabwe.com

07/01/2013 00:00:00
by Staff Reporter

THREE people were swept away by a flooded river in Mphoengs, Mangwe District
last Wednesday while trying to cross the border into Botswana illegally.

The victims, whose bodies have yet to be recovered, were identified as
Pocenta Ndlovu, 18-month-old Rachel Ndlovu and a woman only named as Edith.

Police say the three were dropped off by a suspected human trafficker
driving a South African-registered car, who asked another suspect to help
them negotiate the Ramaokgwebane River into Botswana while he waited the
other side.

Acting Matabeleland South police spokesperson Assistant Inspector
Christopher Ngwenya said rescue operations were still afoot, adding though
that they don’t expect to find the three alive.

“Knowledge Ndlovu of Madlambudzi area in Bulilima District, who was driving
a Quantum omnibus to South Africa with 15 passengers, dropped off the three
and hired Khulayo Sibanda to assist them cross into Botswana,” Ngwenya said.

“At about 8pm, Ndlovu received a call from Sibanda telling him that Pocenta,
Edith and Rachel had been swept by the Ramaokgwebane River.”

Ngwenya said police were investigating the matter.

“The police conducted a deep water search for the trio, but they were never
found. Investigations are still in progress.

“We advise the public to get proper documents to cross the border legally
rather than resorting to using dangerous ways to go outside the country,” he
added.

Meanwhile, witnesses travelling to South Africa on Saturday reported
sighting three people being swept away by the crocodile-infested Limpompo
River.

It remains unclear if there could be a connection between the two incidents.

Many Zimbabweans escaping poverty back home frequently cross into Botswana
and South Africa illegally, putting their lives at all kinds of risks.

Zim warned about flood dangers after kombi washed away

Tension rises in Chisumbanje over land row

http://www.swradioafrica.com

By Tichaona Sibanda
08 January 2013

Heavily armed police had to be summoned on Tuesday to arrest villagers in
Chisumbanje who had tried to claim back their land, taken over by the
multi-million dollar Ethanol plant.

The villagers are being detained at Chisumbanje police station, facing
charges of invading private property. The land row between the villagers and
Billy Rautenbach, who owns Macdom the company running Chisumbanje Ethanol
plant, has been simmering since the start of the rainy season a few weeks
ago.

The angry villagers are accusing Rautenbach of invading their land illegally
after the initial agreement allowed him to use 5,100 hectares of land. There
are reports the controversial businessman has illegally grabbed a
substantial number of hectares, most of it from the villagers who are
renowned cotton farmers.

Pishai Muchauraya, the spokesman for the MDC-T in Manicland province,
confirmed that 15 villagers had been taken from the fields at gunpoint on
Tuesday. He said the villagers had gone back to their land to till it, as
instructed by a cabinet committee headed by Deputy Prime Minister Arthur
Mutambara.

Mutambara and his committee were at the plant towards the end of last year
to diffuse the potentially explosive row that threatens to engulf the area.
It was decided during a meeting, chaired by Mutambara, that Macdom should
stop its expansion project until the issue of land for the villagers had
been dealt with. The committee ruled that the villagers would meanwhile work
on their fields until such a time as the land row had been resolved.

‘The villagers simply went back to work on their fields as instructed by the
cabinet committee, but some overzealous employees at Macdom are working
against that. The villagers contend that Zimbabwe went to war for land but
they are surprised the same land is being taken from the blacks and given to
a white (Billy Rautenbach).

Most of the villagers have lost everything, including their livestock, as
they no longer have the pastures or land to farm. Muchauraya said efforts
are being made to convene a high level meeting to resolve this land dispute.

Armyworms Destroy Zimbabwean Crops, Pastures

http://www.voazimbabwe.com

Gibbs Dube
07.01.2013

The Agricultural Research and Extension Services (AREX) and some communal
farmers say almost all provinces have been invaded by an armyworm which is
destroying hundreds of hectares of crops and green pastures.

AREX officials told VOA Studio 7 that the outbreak started a week ago in
some parts of Mashonaland Central, Mashonaland West, Midlands, Matabeleland
North and Manicaland provinces.

Officials, who did not want to be named, said they are struggling to control
the spread of the pest due to chemical shortages.

They are currently assessing the situation in most parts of the country and
expected to submit a detailed report to the Ministry of Agriculture within
the next few days.

Some farmers in Matabeleland North and Manicaland provinces, said they are
failing to access chemicals from AREX and retail shops.

Gasten Shiri of Manicaland said the armyworm is spreading at an alarming
rate. “The situation is critical in this province as we are not getting the
necessary government support.”

Communal farmer, Khabo Malinga, of Lupane District, Matabeleland North
Province, said almost all farmers are planting maize for the second time
following the destruction of crops that were planted at the end of November.

Land and Agriculture Minister Joseph Made was not immediately available for
comment.

The pest, which can wreak havoc in fields if left to multiply, derives its
name from its feeding habits. It eats everything in an area and once the
food supply is exhausted, the entire “army” will move to the next available
food source.

Civil Servants Divided Over Salary Negotiations

http://www.voazimbabwe.com

Jonga Kandemiiri, Arthur Chigoriwa
07.01.2013

Serious divisions have emerged among civil servant unions following a move
by the Zimbabwe Teachers’ Association and former Apex Council chairperson
Tendai Chikowore seeking government recognition to spearhead salary
negotiations with government representatives.

Chikowore last week wrote to Public Service Minister Lucia Matibenga
requesting permission to lead negotiations on behalf of government
employees.

This follows Matibenga’s decision to snub the current Apex Council
leadership after some unions disputed elections that saw David Dzatsunga and
his colleagues ushered into office.

The Apex Council represents all of Zimbabwe's public sector unions.

Zimbabwe Teachers Association Chief Executive Sifiso Ndlovu told VOA Studio
7 that his association came up with the decision to try and revive stalled
salary negotiations with the government and that all the unions agreed when
they were consulted.

But Progressive Teachers’ Union of Zimbabwe president Takavafira Zhou said
they never endorsed that idea adding that Chikowore had no mandate to
represent civil servants.

Current Apex Council chairman David Dzatsunga said Chikowore was meant to
lead the salary negotiations for three months only if all unions agreed.

The Zimbabwe Teachers Association (ZIMTA) says teachers should form their
own council to negotiate salaries on behalf of educators.

Addressing about 100 teachers in Chinhoyi at a belated ZIMTA provincial
annual general meeting at the weekend in Chinhoyi, a member of the
organization’s national council, Johnson Madhuku, said ZIMTA is now
advocating for a breakaway educators council because the currently Apex
Council doesn't address serious issues faced by teachers.

Madhuku said the Apex Council has failed to meet the needs of teachers,
especially in negotiating for a living wage and improved conditions of
service.

Touts, rank marshals resurface at city ranks

http://nehandaradio.com

on January 8, 2013 at 2:12 am

HARARE – Touts and rank marshals have resurfaced at some city ranks barely
four months after a clean-up exercise that saw over 500 of them arrested.

Police round up touts at the Speke Avenue rank in Harare last year as part
of the blitz to rid the city of rank marshals and touts who were
te-rrorising commuters and extorting money from kombi operators.
The marshals, who are mainly visible during the peak hours, are believed to
be the brains behind the sprouting of undesignated bus stops within the
city. When it is daylight the commuter omnibuses operate freely without any
disturbances or threats from the touts.

The chaos is noticeable early in the morning and in the evening during peak
hours. Trevor Mesa, an omnibus driver plying City-Mabvuku, said rank
marshals come during the evening. He said they were now using dangerous
weapons if one fails to hand over the US$2 they demand.

“Rank marshals have come to the ranks when it’s dark and during peak hours.
They know police officers will be away and they demand US$2. They also
threaten us with unspecified punishment,” he said.

Christine Chimusoro (22), a regular passenger from Mabvuku who says she
usually boards the omnibuses back home around 6pm, confirmed the return of
the touts. “Touts are back and I have seen some demanding cash from a driver
and they even threatened to drag him out of the vehicle,” she said.

Harare provincial spokesperson Tadious Chibanda said they had received some
reports about the return of the touts and rank marshals. “We are receiving
reports that touts are coming back late in the evening.

“Whoever encounters them must alert the police officers on the ground,” he
said. Last year rank marshals assaulted two soldiers in uniform at the
Charge Office rank after they came to rescue of commuters who were being
harassed. The Herald

Prophet Angel takes umbrage at Biti 'miracle cash' taunt

http://www.newzimbabwe.com

07/01/2013 00:00:00
by NewsDay

SPIRIT Embassy founder Uebert Angel Mudzanire on Sunday lambasted Finance
Minister Tendai Biti for challenging him to “produce” $10 billion required
to retire government debt, saying “miracle money” was not meant for those
who dipped their fingers in national coffers.

Angel also said the money was not for those who had failed to run the
national economy.

“I am sorry minister (Biti), the miracle money is not for someone who has
failed to account for his duties or for thieves in government,” Angel said.

Angel said although some people seemed alarmed by the “miracle money”, there
were greater miracles coming this year, which he branded Epikaizo — Year of
the Shadow of God — and those writing negatively about him would get tired.

“Under this year’s theme, the Year of the Shadow of God (Epikaizo), big
things are going to happen,” he told worshippers on Sunday.

“These (issues about miracle money) are small things that you are talking
about.

“All the newspapers writing about Angel, you are going to get tired.”

United Families International Church (UFIC) founder Emmanuel Makandiwa, who
recently prophesied that Zimbabwe was headed for a gold rush that would see
people picking up the precious mineral from the ground as God begins to
offer divine solutions to the country’s challenges, on Sunday said people
might not understand their predictions and their way of life.

Without making reference to Biti’s challenge during his sermon also on
Sunday, Makandiwa said: “I am living in the supernatural sphere.

“People should brace for more foresights in the short distance future. Many
miracles are going to be revealed.

“I will continue to equip my church with the understanding of spiritual
things.”

Biti on Friday challenged Angel and Makandiwa to prove the authenticity of
their “miracles” by helping the country secure $10,1 billion, $260 million
and $200 million to liquidate government’s external debt, balance domestic
arrears and fund the referendum respectively.

This followed claims that Angel had enabled his congregants to miraculously
receive money in their hands, pockets and bank accounts.

The “miracles” reportedly happened in Botswana last year during Angel’s
Miracle Night and at the City Sports Centre in Harare during his New Year’s
Eve service dubbed Crossover with No Carryover.

“I respect the men of God, Angel and Makandiwa, because of the miracles they
are performing.

“But if they are printing real money, I am asking them to deposit the money
in our (Treasury) account at CBZ (Bank) so that we can pay some of our
arrears,” Biti was reported as saying at the weekend.

Meanwhile, Tourism and Hospitality minister Walter Mzembi in an interview
yesterday came out guns blazing defending Angel and Makandiwa, saying the
two should not be persecuted as they constituted the country’s tourist
attractions.

Mzembi’s said the two prophets were contributing positively to the country’s
tourism sector because of the international response to their “religious
attractions”.

“Today, I believe securing an appointment with (Nigeria’s) TB Joshua is a
nearly impossible feat for ordinary people, because of the international
response to this famous religious attraction,” he said.

“So don’t persecute the local prophet. I endorse religious tourism itself as
a source of revenue.

“Who is the bereaved or the aggrieved in this case? Has anyone been
short-changed?

“These are miracles that happen when God’s presence has been invited in a
specific spiritual environment and moment in time, the glory of God.

“There is no case between the prophets and their congregations, many of them
well-heeled, educated and literate people who are looking for spiritual
solutions to their myriad of problems.

“It’s the external audience and competitor churches that are crying more
than the supposedly bereaved.Why?”

He said if Treasury needed the money, it should go to a church led by its
minister, Biti.

“If Treasury wants miracle money and solutions, it must go to church led by
its minister,” Mzembi said.

“I go to UFIC and Spirit Embassy from time to time in solidarity with the
exceptional support they are giving to tourism, notwithstanding my own
faith.

“They are a major tourism attraction. Their benchmark is TB Joshua of
Nigeria to whom some of our affluent classes quietly and discreetly go for
their own spiritual solutions.”

Makandiwa is on record as saying he can assist people to amass material
wealth.

Erratic Rains Bring no Respite to Thirsty Bulawayo Residents

http://www.voazimbabwe.com.

Ntungamili Nkomo
07.01.2013

WASHINGTON DC — The Bulawayo City Council says its tight water rationing
regime will continue, citing poor rains that have failed to boost the city’s
supply dams.

The local authority shuts down water four days per week, a situation that
has left residents in dire straits and even caused a lot of company
closures.

City authorities say their supply dams have only received 0,35 percent of
water from erratic rains that have fallen since November. But residents are
not convinced.

Bulawayo Progressive Residents Association water affairs secretary
Anglistone Sibanda told VOA the city council doesn’t appear entirely
committed to addressing the water issue.

The water crisis in Zimbabwe's second largest city of Bulawayo has reached
precarious levels with the local council tightening its rationing measures
and depriving residents of the precious liquid at least three days a week.

The city lies in the heart of the semi-arid Matabeleland region. A
century-old ambitious plan to draw water from the Zambezi River to the city
has remained a pipe-dream, though officials say the project is now underway.

Nestle could be next target for Zim government

http://www.bizcommunity.com

By: Tawanda Karombo
8 Jan 2013 15:04

International refined foods manufacturer Nestle invested $12m into its
Zimbabwean operations in 2012 despite the uncertainty surrounding its future
in Zimbabwe as the government has not yet decided upon its indigenisation
compliance plans. However‚ the Swiss company has reiterated its commitment
to its operations in the country.
In Zimbabwe‚ Nestle manufactures foodstuffs for babies and also makes
cereals and powdered milk under various brands. The company‚ according to
informed sources‚ is treading carefully in Zimbabwe following a previous run
in with the government after announcing that it had stopped procuring milk
from President Robert Mugabe's dairy farm.

However‚ Nestle Zimbabwe says it is committed to continuing with its
operations in the country‚ adding that the operating environment in the
country‚ although fraught with challenges and uncertainties‚ is "stable".

"Nestle Zimbabwe has been in Zimbabwe for 53 years both in times of economic
downturns and in times of prosperity and surely the company will manage the
situation as it comes in order to secure its survival for a long time to
come‚" said Nestle Zimbabwe executive director Farai Munetsi‚ in response to
Business Day questions.

Independent economic analyst Moses Moyo said the company would be on the
government's checklist for indigenisation compliance. Economists and
investment analysts are worried that President Robert Mugabe and his Zanu PF
party could be using the empowerment policy to drum up support ahead of
elections expected this year.

"Despite doing well and enjoying a good market share‚ the indigenisation
policy is still a scare for the company and this has to be settled to enable
it to be certain of its future in the country‚ especially with threats that
have previously been made against the company‚" said Moyo.

Munetsi said Nestle Zimbabwe's "indigenisation proposals" were still under
consideration by the government and added that the two parties "are still in
discussion" over the issue.

Zimbabwe is a key market for the company in the Southern African region‚
which is said to have the fastest growing population. This will provide
further growth demand for the company's products.

In September this year‚ Nestle Zimbabwe set up a new cereals manufacturing
line and upgraded another.

The manufacturing plant in Harare is operating at 54% of capacity‚ above the
average capacity for most manufacturing companies in Zimbabwe although there
is room to ramp this up. Munetsi said it was difficult to measure the
company's market share as "products are not consistently in the market"
while there is also strong competition from "imports".

The subdued capacity utilisation for the foods manufacturing industry has
led to high imports which are however covering up for the "industry wide
low-capacity utilisation".

Analysts said companies such as Nestle Zimbabwe are likely to continue
encountering problems that persisted in the country in 2012. These range
from a tight liquidity crunch that has driven up the cost of borrowing‚ and
erratic and unreliable power and water supplies.

The MDC Today

http://www.mdc.co.zw

Tuesday, 08 January 2013
Issue - 495

Two MDC Youth Assembly members in Chivi Central, Masvingo province spent New
Year’s Day behind bars after a Zanu PF thug made a fabricated police report
accusing them of possessing firearms and threatening to torch his homestead.

The two MDC youths Obvious Chigwende and Upenyu Mandizvidza of Dombo village
6 Chivi Central Constituency were at Riverside Business Centre on New Year’s
Day where they were discussing the state of political affairs in the country
when they met one Carious Chidhiya, a member of the Zanu PF militia.

Chidhiya accused the two of being political sell-outs and threatened them
with unspecified action come election time.

Political analysts have warned that the latest incidents of political
harassment could be a clear indication that the state and Zanu PF machinery
will be unleashed to subvert the will of the people in the next elections.

“We were at Riverside Business Centre with our friends when we met Chidhiya
who accused us of being sell-outs. He also said he would deal with us in a
stern way come election time. We told him the MDC is a non-violent party and
that the party was going to win resoundingly in the next elections to be
held this year,” said Mandizvidza.

“We also told him that Zanu PF is now ideologically bankrupt and that the
former ruling party is no longer popular with the electorate. This
apparently angered him and he accused us of being political puppets. He then
made a fabricated police report claiming we produced fire arms and
threatened to torch his homestead. He also claimed we were carrying out
clandestine military training in South Africa in order to perpetrate
violence against Zanu PF,” said Chigwende.

On the same day the two MDC members were surprised when seven armed police
officers confronted them. “They intimidated us and we were taken to Chivi
Police Station where they detained us for two nights. The police accused us
of insulting Mugabe, of banditry and trying to topple the Zanu PF leader
from power,” they said.

The two were on Monday handed over to the police Law and Order Section in
Masvingo where they were charged with improper conduct and undermining the
authority of the President and were fined US$20 dollars each.

In Hurungwe West, Mashonaland West Province, reports filtering in are that
over 400 families’ resident in ward 7 face eviction for allegedly staying in
an illegal settlement.

According to sources from Hurungwe, the Karoi Town Council received names
from village heads of people ostensibly living illegally in that ward
despite others having stayed there for over 25 years. It is alleged that the
evictions are politically motivated as the ward voted into council an MDC
councillor who has since passed away.

However the MDC supporters reaffirmed their unbridled resolve to complete
the change saying Zanu PF’s intimidatory tactics and harassment will not
subdue them.

The Last Mile: Towards Real Transformation!!!

Hundreds Zimbabwean kids held in SA prisons

http://www.zimdiaspora.com

MONDAY, 07 JANUARY 2013 21:17

HUNDREDS of Zimbabwean children are in South Africa detention facilities
awaiting deportation and there are reports that they are being held in
appalling conditions near Johannesburg and Musina, despite calls from legal
and medical human rights groups to improve conditions.

Immigration authorities say about 43 000 Zimbabweans were deported from
South Africa in 2012.

Among the deportees were accompanied and unaccompanied minors. Up to 600
unaccompanied minors were sent back to Zimbabwe by South African authorities
in 2012.

Lawyers for Human Rights (LHR) of South Africa reported that between October
and December 2011, 86 children aged between two and 17 were deported by the
authorities.

LHR is presently representing five Zimbabwean boys detained at Musina Police
Station and a Congolese teenager being held at the Lindela detention
facility just outside Johannesburg.

The minors have been detained longer than the stipulated maximum 120 days
prescribed by South Africa’s Immigration Act and Immigration Regulations.

According to LHR executive director Kaajal Ramjathan-Keogh, the South
African Children’s Act prevents the detention of children for immigration
purposes and states that they cannot be removed without a court order.

“Section 138 of the Children’s Act prohibits the unlawful detention of
children as well as their removal without a court order,” said
Ramjathan-Keogh. “The Children’s Act is applicable to all children living
within South African borders. It does not exclude children who have entered
the country through irregular channels,” Ramjathan-Keogh said.

LHR says in a report, Monitoring Detention and Immigration in South Africa,
children are often held together with adults in overcrowded cells in
contravention of immigration laws, further raising concerns about the safety
and general well-being of children.

“Conditions at detention facilities, including at the Lindela Repatriation
Centre, which shelters detained women and children, and especially detention
facilities in the Musina area near the Zimbabwean border, also remain well
below minimum standards,” reads the report.

“Regarding detention facilities in the Musina area, children are often
detained and deported with adults, even though this is against the law,” the
report says.

The report further claims detention cells at Lindela and Musina are in bad
condition as some detainees interviewed by LHR complained of inadequate
meals and sleeping in dirty cells with lice-infested blankets.

“These cells do not have the requisite capacity to hold the numbers of
Zimbabweans who are arrested and the overcrowding in the cells is a serious
concern.

“LHR continues to monitor these detentions in Musina and lobbies for
improved conditions there,” states the report.

However, the decrepit conditions of detention and the threat of deportation
have not deterred Zimbabwean minors from illegally crossing the Limpopo
River into South Africa without any form of documentation.

According to Professor Lesiba Matsaung of the United Dutch Reformed Church
who runs two shelters for boys and girls and founder of Nancefield in
Musina, up to 30 women and girls come to the shelter every week, while the
boys’ shelter has up to 50 males seeking refuge every week.

“All of them jumped the border illegally,” said Matsaung. “Some of the
females are as young as 13. hen they arrive here, some tell us they were
gang-raped at the border. Some are also raped here in Musina by people who
lure them to secluded areas after promising to help them with shelter, jobs
and food,” Matsaung said.

Matsaung said the shelters provided by his church also offered counselling
to rape victims, but added that older rape victims were reluctant to report
violations partly because of fear that the perpetrators may seek revenge as
well as the stigma associated with it.

“Most of them do not want us to open criminal cases with the police because
of fear of victimisation by the perpetrators. But elderly women also avoid
opening criminal cases to avoid going to court, which means exposing them to
their families and partners,” Matsaung said.

Although South Africa is a signatory to the Convention of the Rights of the
Child, which states that unaccompanied or accompanied migrant children must
receive the necessary humanitarian assistance, Zimbabwe’s undocumented
minors hoping for a better life across the Limpopo risk being detained in
inhospitable conditions and in some cases, enduring physical and verbal
abuse from South African immigration authorities - ZimDiaspora/Independent.

Indigenization won't revive Zimbabwe

http://www.politicsweb.co.za

Vince Musewe
07 January 2013

Vince Musewe says Zanu-PF continues to insult our intelligence with its
proposals

The fallacy that indigenization will revive Zimbabwe

Are we so naive to believe that a political party that has been in power for
thirty two years and failed dismally can suddenly be the champion of
creating wealth for all of us?

After listening to the economic crisis within the European Union and the
solutions that are being promoted, I remain frustrated if not angry, at how
we have got things so wrong here in Zimbabwe. All over the world,
presidents, including those seeking to occupy office, are trying to grapple
with how to restore economic growth within their economies and how to create
more jobs to address the widespread unemployment and poverty.

Their sole focus is on how to stimulate their economies through new
investments in technology and encourage entrepreneurs to invest in their
countries in order to create jobs. They are competing for investors and
doing all they can to attract them into their countries. They are all at
pains to try and convince voters of their integrity and how they will create
a transparent and accountable government that promotes free enterprise
prosperity for all and individual freedoms.

In the mean time, here in Zimbabwe, ZANU (PF) is doing all it can to
actually discourage foreign investment. It even has the audacity to suggest
that we do not need foreign capital and must revive the Zimbabwe dollar as a
solution to the lack of money. They are talking up how we must now take over
existing companies in all sectors as opposed to creating new ones or
reviving those that are operating at low capacity as is the case with most
indigenous owned enterprises.

The army has even become an economic expert, and is suggesting that if
necessary, we must sit on our mineral resources (e.g. platinum) until they
decide who can invest. We all know that this means that we must all wait
until they get "suitable partners" to partner with them as is the case with
our diamonds. Forget the fact that millions of Zimbabweans are desperate for
jobs and poverty is increasing by the day.

If indeed ZANU (PF) were serious about our future, I think first they would
admit that they have made serious mistakes in the past and try to convince
us that it will not happen again. They would admit that their economic
policy has not led to the development of Zimbabwe but rather to its
underdevelopment and the concentration of wealth in a few hands. They would
apologize to both victims of gukurahundi and offer reparations and do the
same for those who suffered under operation murambatsvina.

They would open up the airwaves and agree to a land audit and tell us how
they will revive agriculture. If indeed they want to re-engineer themselves,
they would begin to at least demonstrate that their agenda is about the
ordinary Zimbabwean and not merely holding onto power. More important, they
would purge their party of the oldies and inject younger fresh thinking
Zimbabweans to take the country forward.

An old and very wise lady in Highfields (a township in Harare) sat me down
recently and asked me the following rather sad questions; Are we so naive to
believe that a political party that has been in power for thirty two years
and failed dismally to manage the economy can suddenly be the champion of
creating wealth for all of us under empowerment or indigenization? Can a
political party that has spectacularly failed to ensure consistent energy
supplies, clean water, tarred roads, and access to affordable health,
education and housing, suddenly be competent enough to provide same?

Is it imaginable that a political party that has failed our business sector
and stifled potential by hounding black entrepreneurs and new thinkers
amongst us, claim that today they want ordinary Zimbabweans to have a stake
this economy. Can a political party that seems so scared of an open media,
new communication technologies such as the internet; really lead us into the
next century?

I too, continue to be dumbfounded at how ZANU (PF) continues to insult our
intelligence that they indeed have a plan and that 100% indigenization will
lead to economic growth and job creation. We need only look at their record
in agriculture and the diamond mining sectors. It is hardly about you and me
and our economic well being. That has never been on the agenda because if it
was, we would not be where we are today.

I would advise that ZANU (PF) does some soul searching and realize that any
goodwill that they may have created in the past has all but evaporated
because they simply have shown no compassion to Zimbabweans. The past is
important but dwelling on it does not allow us to shape a new country. Let
younger energetic and more exposed Zimbabweans now come to the fore because
times have moved on.

Let me repeat my message; indigenization as contemplated by ZANU (PF) will
NOT grow this economy and produce the jobs we need. It will not attract new
investors nor will it attract those in the Diaspora to come back and
contribute. In my opinion, the campaign to "Broaden empowerment" seems more
about broadening the trough from which the greedy will continue to feed
while millions of Zimbabweans continue to live in poverty. No country in
this world has ever put asset ownership by locals central to its economic
policy and succeeded. It is indeed an important issue but is not fundamental
to economic revival.

We are sadly a divided nation, but I truly believe that all reasonable men,
even those within ZANU (PF), cannot deny the fact that our country has so
much potential only if we begin to be honest and forthright on what will
work and what will not. The concentration of economic and political power
within a single political party is no longer an acceptable option to most
Zimbabweans.

I therefore encourage those Zimbabweans who are progressive to raise their
voices and increase their efforts to ensure that by this time next year, our
country will be in responsible hands so that for once, we can revive the
dreams and aspirations of 12 million Zimbabweans who have had to live
substandard for so long, and the 5 million who have left their motherland
in disgust but long to come back home and rebuild their country.

For goodness sake, we are much more that we can ever imagine if only we were
united as a country. Our foremost concern now must be how we can make
Zimbabwe take its rightful place in Africa.

Let those who have ears hear.

Vince Musewe is an economic analyst in Harare. You may contact him on
vtmusewe@gmail.com

Gukurahundi Massacres: Types of Physical Torture (Part 14)

http://nehandaradio.com

on January 8, 2013 at 10:48 am

PART THREE: ORGANISED VIOLENCE: THE IMPLICATIONS OF THE 1980s DISTURBANCES FOR ITS VICTIMS

A.Definitions of organised violence

B.Forms of organised violence.

1.)Physical torture

2.)Deprivation

3.)Sensory overstimulation

4.)Psychological torture – general

5.)Psychological torture – witnessing of violence

6.)Psychological torture – Disappearances

C.Consequences of organised violence

1.)Physical consequences

2.)Psychological consequences

D.Consequences of organised violence for society.

E.Relevance to Matabeleland – conclusion

It is difficult to estimate the costs of the epidemic violence of the 1980s. Costs must be measured in physical injuries, psychological disorders, economic damage and social pathology. Some of these costs, such as the medical consequences of physical injury, can be estimated, at the least by inference and comparison.

The key men behind the Gukurahundi Massacres: Robert Mugabe (President), Emmerson Mnangagwa (then State Security Minister) and Perrence Shiri (then commander of the 5th Brigade).

Psychological disorder can be also be estimated, as there is already a reasonably extensive literature on the effects of organised violence. The following chapter of this report (Legal Damages), makes some attempt to indicate the economic costs of the 1980s disturbances. There are, however, very few indications that social pathology can be easily measured.

As indicated in the previous chapters, the scale of violence was very large, and involved large numbers of people. The experiences reported by these people can be categorised, and it is the aim of this chapter to put the effects of the reported violence into a more human perspective.

Firstly, for each type of torture, we will begin with a definition and some examples, as these are necessary, both for a clear understanding of the forensic approach involved, and for an interpretation of the reports from Matabeleland. Then we will look at a specific testimony from the 1980s disturbances illustrating the given category of torture.

Once we have gone through the six main categories of torture in this way, we will make some general observations about the physical and psychological consequences of organised violence, and of the likely situation now in Matabeleland for survivors. We will not attempt to quantify any of the categories for the 1980s, as this would be inappropriate in the absence of direct clinical measurement.

We will, however, comment upon the likely prevalence of disorders, since direct comparison with other local and regional samples is possible. We will conclude with some suggestions for remediation of the ill-effects. Readers must bear in mind that the case testimonies which will be outlined in this chapter are merely illustrative, not conclusive evidence for any proposition.

EXISTING STUDIES ON VIOLENCE IN THE ZIMBABWEAN SETTING

There has been a series of studies into prevalence and effect of organised violence carried out at two small rural hospitals, at Mount Darwin and Karanga in the far north eastern corner of Zimbabwe. Although this area was completely unaffected by events in the 1980s, it is an area that suffered extreme violence in the 1970s, and is the only area where the long term conseqences of organised violence for Zimbabweans have been studied. As no studies on the effects of the 1980s violence have yet been done, the Mount Darwin/Karanga study may provide some insight into the effects of organised violence in a Zimbabwean setting.

This suggestion is not made dogmatically, and one would expect cultural and historical differences to have made the 1980s experience discreet for its sufferers from the 1970s violence. Much of the data in the 1970s studies relates to war veterans, whereas in Matabeleland and the Midlands in the 1980s, it was civilians who were affected by the violence: there are problems in extrapolating from the former group to the latter. Even where Mount Darwin results relate to civilians, it must be remembered that in Matabeleland and the Midlands, people have now suffered two consecutive periods of violence, which has compounded the plight of survivors in these regions.

Interested readers are therefore referred to the list of references for this chapter, if they wish to pursue what is already known from the Mount Darwin/Karanga studies. As has been mentioned before in this report, the techniques of torture used by government agencies in the 1980s were nothing new in this country: such abuse was widespread in the 1970s.

A.DEFINITIONS OF ORGANISED VIOLENCE

The term “organised violence” derives from an initiative of the World Health Organisation (WHO), and, in Southern Africa, has been given a definition that both includes and extends the original definition given by the WHO. An International Conference, and a subsequent Regional Meeting, both held in Harare, gave the following definition:

“Organised violence is the interhuman infliction of significant avoidable pain and suffering by an organised group according to a declared or implied strategy and/or system of ideas and attitudes. It comprises any violent action which is unacceptable by general human standards, and relates to the victims’ feelings. Organised violence includes inter alia “torture, cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment” as mentioned in Article 5 of the UN Universal Declaration of Human Rights(1948).

Imprisonment without trial, mock executions, hostage taking or any other form of violent deprivation of liberty also fall under the heading of organised violence. The effects of apartheid, destabilisation, civil war, the forced displacement of people, and political violence constitute organised violence. Violence which occurs in these situations as a direct consequence of political repression, although it may appear random, is of a structural nature, involves violation of basic human rights and can only disappear when human, social and political relationships are profoundly changed.” (PAZ.1991)

As can be seen from this definition, the terms covers a very wide range of effects, from torture to displacement, from deliberate infliction of bodily harm to economic hardship. This may seem to some to be an unduly wide definition, but it does bear some relation to reality. It can also be seen, that the events of the 1980s fall well within the definition of what constitutes organised violence.

There are other more restrictive definitions, mostly indicated in international conventions, declarations, and principles.

The United Nations Convention against Torture gives a very formal legal definition, as does the UN Declaration of Human Rights. The African Charter of Human and People’s Rights gives a very simple and clearly understandable definition.

These legal definitions are mirrored in the definitions given by medical and forensic scientists, all of which emphasise the element of deliberate harm and violations of humanitarian principles. It is with these forensic perspectives that we examined the reports of violence in Zimbabwe in the 1980s.

In our review of the research and clinical studies, it became apparent that some clear categories emerge, both for types of violence and types of effects. We will describe these categories below in some detail.

B.FORMS OF ORGANISED VIOLENCE

It has become conventional in the study of organised violence to view violence as a kind of stress, albeit a very extreme form of stress. Where man-made stress is concerned, war, torture, riots, and psychological terror are sometimes considered to occupy a very similar position on the stress dimension. Despite their similarity, it is worth specifying the various forms, for, although the intent behind the violence may be the same – to deliberately harm human beings – the effects found are by no means uniform.

Organised violence can be very simply classified into six main kinds:

1. Physical torture. 2. Deprivation. 3. Sensory overstimulation. 4 Psychological torture – general 5. Psychological torture – Witnessing of death or torture. 6. Psychological torture – “Disappearing” of people.

These are by no means exclusive categories: it is usually not possible to separate clearly physical and psychological torture, except in the rare cases of psychological torture occurring in the absence of physical torture. It is fair to say that physical torture is always accompanied by verbal threats. In addition, people can suffer several types of physical torture simultaneously.

A person might have been tortured, both physically and psychologically, have seen this happen to others, and have had a member of her family forcibly abducted and never seen again. Certainly, most interviewees providing data for this report suffered multiple types of abuse, as will be clearly illustrated by the cases used below.

A seventh category, wounds due to war, might also have been included, for these will clearly be found amongst people from Matabeleland and other victims of war, but this category is so obvious in its origin and its effects that it requires little discussion. Unfortunately, bullet wounds, or limbs missing due to land mine explosions are all too often the only pathology examined by a society.

Here we would point out that the First National Disability Survey, carried out in the early 1980′s, is a good example of this point: injuries due to war are reported exclusively as physical injuries. We will thus concentrate on the original six areas.

1.PHYSICAL TORTURE

All methods of physical torture have the common element of causing extreme pain in a position of complete helplessness. This can be illustrated by a simple example in the difference between being hit by fists and boots in a fight as compared with being hit by fists and boots whilst being tied up.

Although it is generally futile to attempt any classification of types of physical torture, since man’s creativity in this area seems to know no limits, the range of types may be illustrated by reference to the findings from an international study on torture victims (Rasmussen.1990).

TABLE 1

TYPES OF PHYSICAL TORTURE (from Rasmussen. 1990)

Beating 99%

Severe beating 97%

Severe beating (head) 73%

Electrical torture 54%

Physical exhaustion 34%

Climatic stress 33%

Asphyxiation 29%

Falanga 29%

Severe beating (genitals) 20%

Submarine (“wet”) 19%

Standing 17%

Suspension by arms or legs 6%

Banging head 15%

Abnormal body position 13%

Torture by heat 13%

Suspension on bar 10%

Sexual torture 10%

Telephone 9%

Submarine (“dry”) 6%

Sexual torture (rape) 3%

Nail torture 2%

Pushed down stairs, out of window 1%

In the 1980s disturbances: relating this to statements made to compilers of this report, all of the above types of physical torture, with the exception of the last two, occurred in the 1980s disturbances. The prevalence of various types of physical torture in different parts of the country varied, but research has not been analysed comprehensively enough at this stage to result in tables offering precise ratios for all these categories, although general trends can be commented upon.

Certainly, it is quite obvious that beating, severe beating, and beating on the head were the most common forms of torture in the 1980s, in all regions for which records now exist. For named victims across all categories of physical torture, over 80% reported beatings. This number increases to more than 90% if unnamed victims involved in mass beatings are considered.

In addition, the Matobo pilot study suggested that there were greater refinements in physical torture in 1984, and in particular that sexual torture was more common at this time. Further study will be needed to establish the precise ratios of these various types of abuse in the 1980s.

One form of physical torture which was reported from all districts on file as having occurred in the 1980s, was the use of burning plastic: burning plastic bags would be dripped on to restrained victims. There are photographs on file of people scarred as a result of this form of torture.

It is common for different kinds of physical torture to be given at the same time: people can be beaten while being suspended or tied up in unusual positions: furthermore, physical torture can be accompanied by other kinds of torture. Almost every interview on record relating to the 1980s, reports the use of verbal abuse – psychological torture – in conjunction with one or more kinds of physical violence, either observed or personally experienced.

A considerable research effort has gone into identifying methods of physical torture, and new variations are found all the time. It is also apparent that methods seem to spread across the planet, and there is no form of physical torture that seems specific to any one culture. Not only the current study, but also the recent study of Zimbabwean war veterans in Mount Darwin endorses this, giving evidence of most of the forms of torture mentioned by Rassmussen.

In most torture studies, beatings of one kind or another are by far the most common methods of abuse. The beatings can be generally all over the body, but some countries show a preference for a particular kind of beating. Falanga, or beating the soles of the feet, has been frequently reported in Middle Eastern countries, but there are reports of its use in African countries too. Electrical torture is popular because of the extreme pain that it causes, as well as the few scars that it leaves.

The point to grasp here is that any physical harm caused deliberately is torture, and thus any procedure or object can become torture or be used in torture.

PHYSICAL TORTURE IN THE 1980s

As can be seen from the summary of the reports, many persons (65%) experienced some form of physical torture.

Beatings constitute about 80% of the physical torture reported, with electrical shock, submarino, suspension, abnormal postures and rape all reported. The picture is actually little different to the kinds of abuse reported in other Zimbabwean studies. The following case, Interview Case Number 1679 TD illustrates a not-uncommon story.

On the 10th June 1983 at 4 pm I was taken from my workplace in a Puma vehicle, along with 2 others who worked for another store in Tsholotsho. We were taken to Mbamba Police Camp, about 40-50 km away. When we got there we were separated. My friend and I were accused of telephoning Bulawayo to warn our masters to stay away, because the killers (the 5 Brigade) were still there.

The 5 Brigade had made it known that they wanted to kill my master, Y, and my friend’s master, K. They had gone to hide in Bulawayo. I was beaten and lost 4 teeth on the spot, and 12 others after this. My friend was tied with his hands and feet together. They would hang him head down and feet up until he was paralysed in both hands and feet. He died from this in 1993. From 1983 he was on and off in hospital.

This individual received blows to the face, which were severe enough to cause the loss of teeth, and may well have resulted in further injuries. There would be queries about possible hearing loss, as well as possible minor brain injury.

His friend experienced a severe form of suspension, which would have resulted in joint injuries, especially if he had experienced beatings at the same time as the suspension. The paralysis reported is unclear, but severe nerve damage is also a consequence of suspension. This case also illustrates the difficulty in separating out the different types of torture that these two men experienced. At the least we would have to consider physical torture, psychological torture, deprivation, and witnessing as possible experiences.

In addition to beating, some brief mention must be made of the other forms reported. Some survivors have reported the use of electrical shock, and this is a very severe form of abuse, which may result in physical damage in the form of lesions, and very frequently leads to long standing psychological disorder. Here it is enough to point out the effects of what is termed “aversive conditioning”.

Aversive stimulation, which is most frequently some form of electrical shock has been shown to have long-standing effects: one animal study of the effects of electrical shock showed complete suppression of all behaviour, including eating, in a squirrel monkey given very mild shock, and aversive conditioning has been used for the suppression of anti-social or disabling behaviour in the field of psychiatry. Under psychological torture following, there is mention of a persistent sexual disorder reported by one man in Mashonaland who had been sexually tortured through the use of electrical shock, and there are likely to be similar cases in Matabeleland, as the following case from the CCJP Confidential Report on Torture in Zimbabwe illustrates.

They then blindfolded and handcuffed me with my hands at the back and leg ironed me. Then they started beating me with a pick handle or some such stick. They beat me under the feet and on the back. I was lying face downwards as they were beating me. The pain was too severe for any description, I fainted in the process. When I gained consciousness,…., who was senior to the man beating me came and gave orders that they use electric shock on me. They used the field electric telephone. The instrument works on battery power. Wires were tied to my genitals, then they would wind the machine. On winding the shock runs through the body and I was screaming. The shock threw me down but I could not remove the wires because I was handcuffed. While I was screaming, they would dip a large family size towel in water and then tie it around my face covering the nose, so that I was breathing in water through my nose and mouth. This treatment caused me to faint. They poured water on me until I gained consciousness. Afterwards, that same day (at night) I was taken to Kadoma at Eiffel Flats. In the morning my feet were swollen so much and I could not pass urine, for my genitals were swollen and painful.

This case illustrates how many forms of torture are used simultaneously. This man suffered falango, or beating of the feet, together with more general beating, sexual torture through use of electric shocks, and asphyxiation. Tying up, suspensions, being placed in abnormal positions are all reported by the 1980s survivors, and the likely result is that many of them will have persistent joint injuries, which cause pain and suffering, affecting both their capacity to work and indulge in social activities. Certainly, survivors claim such injuries in their interviews, and many claim current medical records in support of ongoing health problems.

Here it is worth commenting that the data from studies of survivors from the Liberation War indicate that many persons are still suffering persistent pain more than 2 decades after the original abuse, so we cannot be complacent about the effects of human rights violations in the 1980s.

The Matabeleland reports show some differences too with the Mashonaland reports and war veteran reports.

For example, as in the case above, there are on the 1980s records, more cases of falanga, and this form of abuse produces very severe and crippling long-term effects. Additionally, the medical records from Matabeleland show people with severe injuries due to beatings and other forms of physical abuse. It will be a matter of urgency to offer the proper physical rehabilitation for these survivors.

2.DEPRIVATION

Deprivation is separated from psychological torture in the Southern African setting because it happens very frequently that people are detained in circumstances that lead to ill-treatment, but where the intention is not deliberately to use the detention as torture. For the victim, however, the effect of the deprivation can be the same as torture. The point here is that torture is not just a matter of what was in the mind of the perpetrator or the person doing the detention, but it is also a question of what the victim believed was happening.

Deprivation should be understood as representing extreme stress, frequently causing exceptional discomfort or pain.

Deprivation covers a variety of different experiences, summarised below in Table 2.

TABLE 2

TYPES OF DEPRIVATION (From Reeler. 1995))

Incommunication, minimal food and comfort: overcrowding for more than 2-3 days.

Lack of water (more than 48 hours).

Immobilisation, restraint, total darkness for more than 48 hours.

Lack of sleep (less than 4 hours per night).

Lack of needed medication or medical care.

Again this is not an exclusive list, but it covers the kinds of treatments that are forbidden by most human rights conventions or conventions relating to the treatment of prisoners or detainees. Furthermore, these forms of abuse can be very difficult to assess in many countries where the above forms of ill treatment are so common as to be felt that they are “normal” methods of treating prisoners. Patients will frequently be accustomed to these methods, or know that they are routinely practised, so that they will not remark upon them for themselves.

DEPRIVATION IN THE 1980s

Deprivation has long-term effects, and we must mention both the specific deprivation suffered by those who were detained, and the more general effects of the food embargo and curfews. To deal with the first, we must here mention the effects of the detention in Bhalagwe, which was distinct from the interrogation centres such as Stops Camp.

Detention on its own may not have adverse consequences, but combined with psychological torture and deprivation, long term adeverse consequences become more likely.

One obvious consequence for those who have experienced detention, is a deep fear of authorities and places from where authorities exercise their power: police stations, offices, and the like. Many survivors are likely to have strong anxiety at having to enter such places, or having to attend any official gatherings. Political rallies, voting, and similar events are quite likely to bring back strong post-traumatic responses. Furthermore, those who suffer psychological disorders as a consequence of their detention, may well retain traumatic memories of their detention, and these will be all the more powerful if detention was accompanied by torture or the witnessing of torture.

Bhalagwe Camp appears to be the one setting where specific deprivation occurred: conditions here were designed and enforced in a way to induce maximum discomfort. Those detained at Bhalagwe in the first day or two, before the camp was full, have reported that in spite of the fact that there were holding sheds standing empty, detainees were deliberately crowded in to a few sheds, to the point where there was virtually no space to sleep at night. Water and food were also rationed. The following sworn statement was made by a 19 year-old boy to CCJP on the 8 March, 1984. Other archival statements and statements made in 1996 confirm and further detail conditions at Bhalagwe. (see Part Two, II and a further statement on Bhalagwe, page following).

….On 7 February (1984) in the evening we were taken by truck to Bhalagwe Camp. We reached Bhalagwe around 5 p.m. having left around 3 p.m. When we arrived we found many people at Bhalagwe, some of whom were being beaten.

We were separated men from women into barracks to sleep. In each barracks soldiers were counting up to 136 people, and if there were not 136 others would be brought in to make up the numbers.

We were arranged in three rows, two rows along the walls and one row in the middle of the building. We slept on our sides because we were told to squeeze since there was no room. We slept in our clothes with no blankets. We were not allowed to go out to the toilet at night, but in the morning we could do so under escort.

On Wednesday morning about 8 a.m. we were taken out one by one to another barracks building where we were either beaten or given electric shocks. When the number got up to five we were then taken back to our barracks.

I myself was only beaten, but I saw others being given electric shocks, and when they fainted, water was thrown on them. What I saw is that they put a wire into the mouth of the victim which is secured by strings that are attached to his ears. The other wire is put at his back. This second wire is placed on and off the back of the person. Four people in army uniform, two men and two women did the electric torturing while the victim was lying down.

There were many barracks where they were taking people for beating and electric shock.

Six school boys of whom I was one, plus two soldiers counted the women. This is how I came to know there were 856 women in the camp. This counting took place on 11 February in the morning. Then later the same day four soldiers and six schoolgirls counted the men. After this the soldiers announced to us that the total number of men in the camp was one thousand, and that of women eight hundred and fifty six. The soldiers announced to both men and women these final figures.

The prisoners from Sun Yet Sen were assigned to two barracks while those from Matopo, Plumtree, Gwanda and Belingwe(Mberengwa) were assigned one barracks each.

They brought us to Bhalagwe to get information about dissidents. Questions about this were asked during the beatings.

In the morning we used to dig graves, dig toilets, wash army clothes, wash pots, fetch firewood.

We were given food and water to drink only on alternative days, i.e. skipping one day when we got neither food nor water. The young men dug the graves, and the old people buried those who died each day in the camp. Those who died must have died because of beatings and electric shock. I saw two in my own sleeping barracks who were found dead one morning.

I was at the camp from 7 – 17 February. Until I left we were being beaten every day.

On 16 February, all school children were made to sit according to their respective schools and home areas, counted, and sent back to barracks.

On 17 February, all school children were told that we were going home. Then trucks took us to our homes for going to school.

In Bhalagwe camp the barracks had asbestos walls and asbestos roofs. Because I knew the place, I know that there were neither soldiers nor prisoners at this camp before the curfew was imposed in February.

At the camp I pretended to be a student, although I had left school after Form 1, end of 1983, because I had heard in other areas the soldiers tended to treat scholars slightly better.

I came to Bulawayo by army puma on 17 February because I had told them I was schooling in Bulawayo.

When I left home there was widespread hunger. Stores were closed; no buses were running except government transport. Soldiers were harrassing people. I have since heard that some people were dying of hunger. I heard this from a teacher who had come to buy food at the end of February.

The data relating to Bhalagwe may bear some comparison with genocide survivors, such as those from the Nazi era or Cambodian survivors from the Pol Pot regime. The data from both these periods indicate very high rates of morbidity amongst survivors. However, those at Bhalagwe were usually detained for a few weeks or months, as opposed to years.

Even within these few weeks , detainees would suffer torture, deprivation, witness executions and torture, and suffer massive psychological abuse, ethnic in its focus. Their detention was also occurring in the context of a larger and more sustained attack on all living in their region at that time.

The most outstanding example of deprivation in the 1980s, because it affected so many people, was the use of the food embargo, denying access to food and other commodities and services during the early months of 1984. This resulted in the intimidation and near-starvation of 400 000 civilians. While drought is a common experience in Matabeleland, the food embargo clearly stands out in people’s memories as a separate type of experience – that of state induced hunger.

The curfew months were also accompanied by rallies at which specific threats were made: it is likely that many were deeply traumatised by these experiences, and it is probable that the whole process of drought relief that has been so common-place in the southern parts of Zimbabwe brings back traumatic memories for many survivors. The following speech was made at a rally, 3 weeks after the food embargo had been in force.

CCJP have it on file as a sworn statement, dated 8 March 1984.

On Thursday, 23 February (1984), the soldiers called a meeting at Sibomvu (in Gwanda district, Mat South). I went there. The soldiers were under the shade of a big Ntenjane tree while the people sat around in the sun. The meeting was from 12 to 4 p.m.. After that they told us there would be no curfew that evening because some people had come from very far.

Their leader told us that his name was Jesus. “I am one of the leaders of the Gukuruhundi”, he said.

These are some of the things he said at the meeting: he had some gallons of blood in his car. The blood came from people. His life is to drink human blood. He wanted more blood because his supply was running low. They had come to this place to kill, not to play. They had come to kill the Mandebele because the dissidents were found only in their area and not in Mashonaland.

Commander Jesus said he found his boys doing nothing – beating up people instead of killing them. He did not mind thousands of people being killed.

“You are going to eat eggs, after eggs hens, after hens goats, after goats cattle. Then you shall eat cats, dogs, and donkeys. Then you are going to eat your children. After that you shall eat your wives. Then the men will remain, and because dissidents have guns, they will kill the men and only dissidents will remain. That’s when we will find the dissidents.

Commander Jesus spoke in Shona while one of the soldiers translated into Ndebele.

The ordinary soldiers are better. They go around nicely asking about dissidents and then they go their way. If these ordinary soldiers came we would be prepared to tell them the truth.

But with 5 Brigade, truth or lies, the result is the same.

Experiences at such rallies, or detention experiences, could very easily have caused Post Traumatic Stress Disorder (see section following) in the sufferers, both acutely at the time, and chronically in continued disorder since.

Apart from the deliberate policy of deprivation embodied in Bhalagwe and in the food embargo, there were instances in the 1980s when deprivation existed, but probably unintentionally so. As previously pointed out, “normal” detention conditions even when not deliberately worsened by the authorities, often resulted in deprivation and torture to those experiencing them. Those detained, for example at Stops Camp in Bulawayo, have reported appalling detention conditions, including overcrowding and lack of sanitation and food, but it can not be concluded that this was the result of a deliberate policy: it was more likely the result of indifference to the situation of detainees.

Sleep deprivation was a consequence of the week-end long pungwes held in Matabeleland in 1983/4, although it is unlikely that rallies resulted in less than 4 hours’ sleep a night. Mission staff reported their concern at the effect of these enforced gatherings on their school-age children, who were exhausted by Monday morning after a weekend of forced attendance at rallies, where they were not only deprived of sleep and recreational time, but were subjected to having to witness violence and verbal abuse (CCJP archives).

3.SENSORY OVERSTIMULATION

Sensory stimulation is often used as a method of torture of persons in detention, but it does not seem to be so common in community settings. The aim behind sensory stimulation, which is often erroneously termed “brain washing”, is to cause mental confusion and distress, and psychological studies of sensory deprivation, one kind of sensory manipulation, have clearly demonstrated the damaging effects of such abuse. For example, people subjected to constant “white noise”, or other forms of constant stimulation, rapidly show signs of stress, even to the point of beginning to hallucinate if it goes on long enough.

TABLE 4.

TYPES OF SENSORY OVERSTIMULATION

(From Rasmussen.1990)

Constant noises. Screams and voices. Powerful lights. Constant lighting. Special devices. Drugs.

All of these can be used deliberately, or can be part of the background to detentions. For example, many people have been tortured in settings where they can hear the sounds of others being tortured too, and will talk about how terrible it was to hear the screams and voices of their comrades. This could have been a deliberate policy on the part of the torturers, but is frequently due to their indifference to whether other prisoners can hear or not.

SENSORY OVERSTIMULATION IN THE 1980s

The specific effects of overstimulation are difficult to produce in a community setting, since they require a controlled environment in which the perpetrator can exercise maximum control over the kinds of stimulation that a person can receive. Overstimulation is therefore reported only amongst those who were detained in interrogation centres or at Bhalagwe Camp. Deliberate deprivation is more commonly reported than overstimulation. This is similar to the findings from Mashonaland studies and those of war veterans.

Detainees have frequently recalled how having to listen to the screams of others being tortured added to their own terror, but it is not clear whether the keeping of people in close proximity to the torture cells was the result of indifference, or deliberation. The following account is taken from the CCJP Report on Torture.

While at Stops camp people were tortured. One boy was so badly beaten and bleeding in the face that I doubt if he is alive. People were being tortured and beaten until around 2 a.m. in the night and at 8 a.m. in the morning we heard screams and cries. They use electric shock and the water and cords for torture…

Those at Bhalagwe have also described how torture and interrogation began at 5.30 a.m. every day, and how from that time on, the camp resounded with screams. Apart from these types of reports, “over stimulation” as a method of torture does not seem to have been widely used.

A few high level political detainees have reported some of these more sophisticated forms of torture, such as being kept in continually lit cells.

Taken from a report on the 1980’s disturbances in Matabeleland and the Midlands. Compiled by the Catholic Commission for Justice and Peace in Zimbabwe, March 1997.

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